Beginning in the early 1960s—and especially by the end of the decade—a large number of the ethnic Hmong people in Thailand aligned themselves with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT). By the 1970s, most of the CPT's “liberated areas” were located in remote, mountainous areas populated by Hmong people. In this paper, I situate Hmong involvement in CPT through the literature related to the multi-ethnic connections being made through the organisation of armed groups and argue that Hmong involvement with the CPT was transnational, transcultural and gender-relations-transforming. The first Hmong Thai to join the CPT was recruited in neighbouring Laos. Other Hmong in Thailand heard about the CPT through radio broadcasts from Laos in Hmong language. Furthermore, many of the early CPT recruits travelled from their homes in Thailand for political and military instruction at a basic training centre called A-30, which was located somewhere in northern Laos near the border with China. There, most Hmong CPT recruits learned to speak, read and write central Thai language. Hmong CPT also started to meaningfully interact with other Thais, including those from northeastern and southern Thailand and Chinese Thais from Bangkok. Later, those deemed to have particular potential were sent to study in China or in Vietnam for specific military training. Some Hmong sent their children to study with the CPT; others went on their own. The Hmong also interacted with people from other communist movements in Southeast Asia.

This paper considers Hmong messianism in Asia and beyond from a historical perspective, arguing that its thematic repetition of themes and ideas requires a new understanding of subjectivity at the intersections of the psychological with the social and political. Hmong messianic movements have adopted a variety of forms ranging from the more indigenous to the more explicitly Christian. While the attempt is not to seek a particularist ‘ethnographic-historical’ understanding of these recurrent movements, nevertheless the contexts of colonialisation, mass migration and marginal social status are suggested as providing the essential background for such an understanding. Several different theoretical approaches to understanding such movements are considered, with some attention to major theorists of structure and agency. It is argued that ultimately messianic movements can be appreciated in terms of a kind of ‘anticipatory consciousness’, and are enabled to challenge current social orders because they are motivated by a particular notion of time, which combines a medieval and revolutionary notion of simultaneity with one of historical progression which is, however, not gradualist. A ‘central irreducible core’ of ritual beliefs and actions among the Hmong emerges from this consideration of historical movements, which may demand a reconsideration of older and largely abandoned notions of cultural structure.

Hmong are one of the immigrant Asian subgroups with increasing rates of obesity, type 2 diabetes and CVD. Despite their population growth in the USA and declining health status, no research has investigated the appropriateness of dietary assessment measures, including FFQ and 24 h dietary recalls among Hmong. The present study compared the nutrient information obtained through a 24 h dietary recall method with that collected using the Block Kid's Food Frequency Questionnaire (Block FFQ) among Hmong-American children (n 335) of 9–18 years of age. For this purpose, two 24 h dietary recalls were collected during non-consecutive days and averaged for comparison. The Block FFQ was administered on the day of the second 24 h recall and the two methodologies were also compared using t tests. Among all children, Block FFQ nutrient estimates for vitamin A, vitamin C and food group servings for vegetables and fruits were significantly higher than those assessed through the 24 h dietary recalls (P< 0·001). Nutrient estimates for protein and food group servings for grains and meat and beans were significantly higher among all participants when assessed through the 24 h dietary recalls than through the Block FFQ (P< 0·05). The results suggest that the Block FFQ does not appear to be a good measure of protein, grain, and meat and bean intake among Hmong children of 9–18 years of age, and the 24 h dietary recall offers a better account of the Hmong diet and is inclusive of ethnic food options otherwise missed in the Block FFQ. We recommend the modification of the current Block FFQ to appropriately reflect cultural food/beverage items of the population in interest.