Historically, women in Pakistan’s northwestern territories bordering Afghanistan have played a critical role in providing money and men to jihadist organizations such as the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, and “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS). Lack of education, too little exposure and a male-dominated conservative milieu constitute some of the ingredients of support for these outfits. This was true for over three decades and the phenomenon remained restricted to the rural, backward northwestern regions. But since the early 1990s, outfits such as the Al-Hudda Foundation – an exclusively women-focused organization – began serving as the initial hooks for middle- and upper-class women whom the Foundation targets. It brainwashes women into using hijab, and also into believing that they need to forge an alliance against the West and work for an Islamic, Sharia-based state. This advocacy turns many affluent women into religious radicals who can potentially work as the first line of recruits for extremist outfits like Daesh/IS. However small their numbers, these women represent a big threat to the global liberal values of society.

Criminological research usually directs its focus at traditional forms of offending. The purpose of this article is to discuss the extent to which traditional criminological theories can be used to understand a modern form of terrorism. The main issue to explain is why young men and women from a Western European country, such as Sweden, are joining Daesh in Iraq and Syria. The conclusion is that many criminology theories are useful to analyse the factors behind the affiliation to Daesh. The majority of those recruited into this organization have in many respects a similar background to individuals recruited to other forms of serious organized violent crimes. It should be noted that many of the theories discussed in the paper are more relevant for the understanding of why men join Daesh. When it comes to the recruitment of women these theories’ explanatory value is more limited. However, this applies also to these theories’ ability to explain female crime in general.

This paper explores the motivations of Western women who traveled to Syria/Iraq to support the Islamic State (IS) or Daesh. It draws on previous studies of the phenomenon, insights from practitioners and informal interviews with an individual with first-hand insights. The different motivations are categorized into three levels: macro, meso and micro. The author rebukes the intractable stereotype of the “jihadi bride” that (inadvertently) suggests that women are driven mainly by personal motivations or the prospect of marriage, and demonstrates that female Western supporters of IS/Daesh are motivated by various factors. These include ideological or religious motivations, the pull of the cause, frustration and anger over the perceived worldwide oppression of Muslims, but also the search for a purpose in life and for a sense of belonging. Women have been affected by group dynamics and experiences in their past (including sexual abuse). Some women were attracted by the prospect of a clean slate, adventure or a (religious) husband. The author underscores that, in order to tackle the phenomenon of women supporting IS/Daesh, it is essential to deepen our understanding of its appeal on women, which requires acknowledging the diversity of women who joined IS/Daesh and recognizing the complexity and multitude of their motivations.

“Fighting terrorism is like eating soup with a fork” (Shimon Peres). Peres’s quote symbolically captures the key problem of countering terrorism. 9/11 proved to be a hallmark in the global perception of modern terrorism. The following questions form the framework of the present essay: What is the essence of modern terrorism? How did it develop during the past two decades? Who are the key players within the terror framework? What are the root causes for global terrorism? How are we to deal appropriately with the global phenomenon of terrorism? Are there any solutions (short-, medium-, long-term) to terrorism? If yes, where do we have to look for them? The underlying essay provides a strategic overview of antiterrorism policy that is based on the author’s years-long experience as a high-level expert and advisor within the security policy framework. For this reason, citations are expressly not included. The key target audience comprises laypersons interested in the phenomenon of global terrorism and its social interplay.

Women participate extensively in armed, Islamist struggle. In recent years, foreign women have travelled from the West to join Daesh. Their participation perplexes policymakers, government officials, and researchers who call attention to the group’s gendered regulation, violence, and widespread use of rape. Consequently, observers often argue that women are deceived by the organisation or seduced by the promise of romance. This suggests that women would not, under rational circumstances, choose to join the group. In this article, we address two resultant questions: why do Western women join Daesh? Are their motivations distinct from other Islamist recruits? Using an original dataset of social media activity from 17 Western female recruits between 2011–15, we conclude that women are primarily driven by religious ideology that adopts an expressly gendered frame. We find that feelings of isolation and disaffection also drive migration. We suggest that female foreign recruits are not unique in their motivations and share many similarities with male fighters and women in other Islamist organisations. This research has valuable implications for security studies and counterterrorism, which tend to treat extremist women as unique. Female recruits should be taken seriously as insurgents intent on establishing an Islamic caliphate.