Recent modifications of the lexical model of oral reading make the prediction that under conditions where sublexical reading processes alone cannot achieve the target pronunciation (i.e., when words have exceptional spellings or when sublexical processes are impaired), patients with severe semantic impairment should have more difficulty reading aloud semantically impaired words than semantically retained words. In a battery of lexical-semantic and reading tasks, two neurologically normal control subjects and two subjects with probable Alzheimer's disease (AD) and only moderate semantic impairment read aloud all words accurately. One AD subject with severe semantic impairment was impaired in word reading but demonstrated no difference in reading words with regular and exceptional spellings. Another AD subject with severe semantic impairment read aloud without error virtually all regular and exception words. Neither severely impaired AD subject demonstrated any relationship between oral reading accuracy and semantic knowledge of exception words. These findings support a model of word reading incorporating lexical, nonsemantic processes by which lexical orthographic input representations directly activate lexical phonological output representations without the necessity of semantic mediation. (JINS, 1996, 2, 340–349.)

The extent to which letter-by-letter reading results from a specific orthographic deficit, as compared with a nonspecific disturbance in basic visuoperceptual mechanisms, is unclear. The current study directly compared processing of letters and digits in a letter-by-letter reader, G.M., using a rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP) task and a speeded matching task. Comparisons were made to a group of six brain-damaged individuals without reading deficits. In the RSVP task, G.M. had increased difficulty reporting the target identities when they were letters, as compared with digits. Although this general pattern was also evident in the control group, the magnitude of the letter–digit accuracy difference was greater in G.M. Similarly, in the matching task, G.M. was slower to match letters than digits, relative to the control group, although his response times to both item types were increased. These data suggest that letter-by-letter reading, at least in this case, results from a visuoperceptual encoding deficit that particularly affects letters, but also extends to processing of digits to a lesser extent. Results are consistent with the notion that a left occipitotemporal area is specialized for letter processing with greater bilaterality in the visual processing of digits. (JINS, 2008, 14, 164–173.)

Theories of the cognitive impairment underlying letter-by-letter reading vary widely, including prelexical and lexical level deficits. One prominent prelexical account proposes that the disorder results from difficulty in processing multiple letters simultaneously. We investigated whether this deficit extends to letters presented in rapid temporal succession. A letter-by-letter reader, G.M., was administered a rapid serial visual presentation task that has been used widely to study the temporal processing characteristics of the normal visual system. Comparisons were made to a control group of 6 brain-damaged individuals without reading deficits. Two target letters were embedded at varying temporal positions in a stream of rapidly presented single digits. After each stream, the identities of the two letters were reported. G.M. required an extended period of time after he had processed one letter before he was able to reliably identify a second letter, relative to the controls. In addition, G.M.'s report of the second letter was most impaired when it immediately followed the first letter, a pattern not seen in the controls, indicating that G.M. had difficulty processing the two items together. These data suggest that a letter-by-letter reading strategy may be adopted to help compensate for a deficit in the temporal processing of letters (JINS, 2007, 13, 110–119.)