^{page 77 note 1} Fisher, F. J., ‘The Development of the London Food Market, 1540–1640’, Economic History Rev., v (1934–1935), no. 2, pp. 47–49.Google Scholar

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^{page 77 note 3} Williams, D., A History of Modern Wales (London, 1950), p. 90.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 4} Cal[endar of] State Papers, Dom[estic], 1645–47, p. 258; J. and Webb, T. W., Memorials of the Civil War … in Herefordshire (London, 1879), i, pp. 203, 242–43; ii, p. 46.Google Scholar

^{page 78 note 1} Reliquiae Baxterianae, ed. Sylvester, M. (London, 1696), p. 89Google Scholar; cf. pp. 30, 40–41. I have modernized spelling and punctuation in all quotations.

^{page 78 note 2} B[ush], E[dward], A Sermon preached at Pauls Crosse, 1571(London, 1576)Google Scholar, Sig. f. iv, quoted by Owen, H. G., ‘Tradition and Reform: Ecclesiastical Controversy in an Elizabethan London Parish’, The Guildhall Miscellany, ii, no. 2 (London, 1961), p. 66.Google Scholar

^{page 79 note 1} Burnet, G., The History of the Reformation … (London, 1825), ii, p. 275.Google Scholar

^{page 79 note 2} Haweis, J. O. W., Sketches of the Reformation and Elizabethan Age (London, 1844), pp. 84–102.Google Scholar

^{page 79 note 3} Correspondence of Matthew Parker, ed. Bruce, J. (Parker Soc, 1853), p. 119.Google Scholar

^{page 79 note 4} Ibid., p. 123.

^{page 79 note 5} Visitation Acts and Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation, ed. Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, W. P. M. (Alcuin Club Collections, xvi), p. 261Google Scholar; Lynch, J., ‘Philip II and the Papacy’, Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc, 5 th Series, xi (1961), p. 35Google Scholar. For Bishop Sandys of Worcester's account of die unreliability of Wales in 1569, see Strype, J., Annals ofthe Reformation … (Oxford, 1824), i (2), p. 328.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 1} Cal. State Papers Dom., Addenda, 1566–1579, p. 65Google Scholar; Reid, R., ‘The Rebellion of the Earls, 1569’, Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc, New Series, xx (1906), pp. 183–84, 190Google Scholar. The archbishop of York in 1535 had estimated that there were not twelve preachers in the whole of his diocese: many benefices were so poor that no learned man would take them (Original Letters Illustrative of English History, 3rd Series, ii (London, 1846), p. 338Google Scholar). Cf. Grindal's letters to Cecil and Bullinger in 1570 and 1572 (Remains of Archbishop Grindal (Parker Soc, 1843), pp– 325–26;Google ScholarZurich Letters, 1558–1579 (Parker Soc, 1842), pp. 259–60).Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 2} Strype, J., The History of the Life and Acts of… Grindal… (Oxford, 1821), p. 562Google Scholar. It was unfortunate for Grindal's case, but illuminating, that Halifax remained, throughout the period we are considering, a centre of religious radicalism, as it had earlier been a centre of Lollardy (Dickens, A. G., Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York, 1509–58 (London, 1959), pp. 247–48Google Scholar). The sympathy which Grindal later showed for ‘prophesyings’, the attempt to train preaching ministers, probably sprang from his experience in the North. Those held at Halifax (and no doubt elsewhere) during his archbishopric helped to train a group of Puritans who had profound effects on the West Riding (Arundale, R. L., ‘Edmund Grindal and the Northern Province’, Church Quarterly Rev., clx (1959), pp. 197–98Google Scholar). Nevertheless in 1578 Grindal's successor Sandys was still blaming the clergy of the diocese of York for their inability to instruct the people (Kennedy, W. P. M., Parish Life under Queen Elizabeth (Catholic Library, London, 1914), p. 36Google Scholar).

^{page 80 note 3} , Kennedy, op. cit., p. 36.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 4} Cal. State Papers Dom., i54y–80, p. 180.

^{page 81 note 1} Gilpin, W., The Life of Bernard Gilpin, 2nd edn (London, 1753), pp. 172, 176Google Scholar; B. Gilpin, ‘A Sermon preached in the Court at Greenwich, 1552’, ibid., p. 279.

^{page 81 note 2} V[ictoria] C[ounty] H[istory], Cumberland, ii, pp. 69–70, 74–78, 90; V.C.H., Durham, ii, pp. 35–36, 39.

^{page 81 note 3} Quoted in Miall, J. G., Congregationalism in Yorkshire (London, 1868), p. 38.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 1} Penry, J., Three Treatises concerning Wales, ed. Williams, D. (Cardiff, 1960), pp. 29, 32–39, 62;Google Scholar cf. Strype, , The Life … of… Whitgift (Oxford, 1822), iii, pp. 309–11Google Scholar. For the poverty of the Welsh clergy, see Richards, T., A History of the Puritan Movement in Wales, 1633–53 (London, 1920), Chapter I, passim.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 2} Williams, G., ‘The Elizabethan Settlement of Religion in Wales and the Marches’, Journal Hist. Soc. of the Church in Wales, ii (1950), p. 68.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 3} Thomas, D. R., The Life and Work of Bishop Davies and William Sales-bury (Oswestry, 1902), p. 27Google Scholar; Williams, G., ‘Richard Davies, Bishop of St David's, 1561–81’, Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorior, 1948, pp. 157–58.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 4} Kennedy, , op. cit., p. 36.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 5} Quoted by Williams, Penry, ‘The Welsh Borderland under Queen Elizabeth’, Welsh Hist. Rev., i, no. 1 (1960), p. 29.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 6} Quoted by Jones, F., ‘An Approach to Welsh Genealogy’, Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 1948, p. 390Google Scholar; cf. Waddington, J., John Penry (London, 1854), p. 13.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 7} Strype, , The History of the Life and Acts of… Grindal…, p. 401Google Scholar. For much similar information about vice in Wales, to which the mountain air was thought to contribute, see Williams, Penry, The Council in the Marches of Wales under Elizabeth I (Cardiff, 1958) Chapter IV.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 1} Gruffydd, G., ‘Bishop Francis Godwin's Injunctions for the Diocese of Llandaff, 1603’, Journal Hist. Soc. of the Church in Wales, iv (1954), p. 16.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 2} Salisbury, MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.), xi, p. 460.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 3} Dodd, A. H., A History of Wrexham (Wrexham, 1957), pp. 51–52.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 4} Rowland Vaughan, His Booke, ed. Wood, Ellen B. (London, 1897), pp. 40, 43–44.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 5} Archaeologia Cambrensis, 3rd Series, ix (1863), pp. 283–85.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 6} Dodd, , ‘Wales in the Parliaments of Charles I’, Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 1945, p. 29Google Scholar; cf E. A. Barnard, ‘Lewis Bayly, Bishop of Bangor, and Thomas Bayly, his son’, ibid., 1928–29, p. 122.

^{page 83 note 7} Dodd, , Studies in Stuart Wales (Cardiff, 1952), p. 53Google Scholar; cf. Lewis, J., The Parliament Explained to Wales, 1646 (reprint, Cardiff, 1907), p. 30Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 8} Laud, W., Works (Oxford, 1847–1860), v, pp. 335, 359Google Scholar. The archbishop personally confirmed the report for St David's, which he had briefly visited during his five years' tenure of that see.

^{page 84 note 1} Portland MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.), iii, p. 71.

^{page 84 note 2} Rees, T., History of Protestant Nonconformity in Wales, 2nd edn (London, 1883), p. 68Google Scholar. Cradock assumed that conscientious preachers would also be ‘constantly faithful to the Parliament’ (The Saints Fulnesse … (London, 1646), p. 34).Google Scholar

^{page 84 note 3} Richards, T., History of the Puritan Movement in Wales … (London, 1920), pp. 15, 51.Google Scholar

^{page 84 note 4} Reliquiae Baxterianae, pp. 2, 40Google Scholar. It was only after the Civil War, Baxter tells us, that preachers ceased to be despised and reviled (ibid., p. 86).

^{page 84 note 5} Portland MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.), iii, p. 79.

^{page 84 note 6} In Letters of the Lady Brilliana Harley, ed. Lewis, T. T. (Camden Soc., 1854), pp. 227–28.Google Scholar The same petition opposed the import of Spanish wool, in the interest of Herefordshire wool-growers.

^{page 84 note 7} Clarke, S., The Lives of Sundry Eminent Persons (London, 1683), p. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 84 note 8} The Fortescue Papers, ed. Gardiner, S. R. (Camden Soc., 1871), pp. 180–83.Google Scholar Jonn Packer, whom the bishop was thanking for watering the soil, was also providing preaching in the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield.

^{page 84 note 9} Kennedy, , Parish Life under Queen Elizabeth, p. `37.Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 1} Quoted in Campbell, D., The Puritan in Holland, England and America (London, 1892), ii, p. 35Google Scholar. I have not been able to trace Campbell's reference to Strype.

^{page 85 note 2} Brook, V. J. K., A Life of Archbishop Parker (Oxford Univ. Press, 1962), pp. 210–12;Google ScholarV.C.H., Cumberland, ii, p. 82Google Scholar; V.C.H., Durham, ii, p. 39.Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 3} Froude, J. A., English Seamen in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1901), p. 148Google Scholar; cf. Cal. State Papers, Rome, 1558–1571, p. 68.Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 4} Dodd, A. H., ‘North Wales in the Essex Revolt of 1601’, Eng[lish] Hist[orical] Rev[iew], lix (1944), pp. 354, 357Google Scholar; Mathew, D., The Celtic Peoples and Renaissance Europe (London, 1933)Google Scholar, Chapter 12. Stanley had Welsh as well as northern connexions.

^{page 85 note 5} Dodd, , op. cit., pp. 357, 363, 369–70Google Scholar; ‘The Spanish Treason, the Gunpowder Plot, and the Catholic Refugees’, Eng. Hist. Rev., liii (1938), pp. 629, 635Google Scholar; Mathew, op. cit., Chapters 18–19, 22. There were never more than a thousand popish recusants reported from Wales after 1605 (Dodd, , Studies in Stuart Wales, p. 44Google Scholar). But we may doubt whether this is anything like the total of Catholic sympadiizers. In Northumberland the number of recusants was said to be increasing in 1616 (Cal. State Papers Dom., 1611–18, p. 358).

^{page 86 note 1} Salisbury MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.), xvii, pp. 235, 258–59, 304–06, 360–61. I owe this reference and the information about the vicar to the kind ness of Mr R. Mathias.

^{page 86 note 2} Yorkshire Archaeol. and Topographical Journal, vii (1882), pp. 287–88.Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 3} There were, of course, dark corners outside the North, Wales and Cornwall (for which see The Seconde Parte of a Register, ed. Peel, A. (Cambridge, 1915), ii, pp. 174–76Google Scholar). In 1686 the bishop of Chichester said that no bishop had been seen in Rye in the century and a half since the Reformation until his visitation of that year (Agnes Strickland, , The Lives of the Seven Bishops (London, 1866), p. 127Google Scholar).

^{page 87 note 1} Hitchcock, R., A Politic Plat (London, 1580)Google Scholar, in Arber, E., An English Garner (London, 1897), ii, pp. 141, 153.Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 2} See my Puritanism and Revolution (London, 1958), p. 234.Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 3} Cawdrey, Z., A Discourse of Patronage (London, 1675), p. 45.Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 4} Williams, D., A History of Modern Wales, pp. 112–14.Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 5} I owe this information to Mr John Addy.

^{page 88 note 1} Penry, , Three Treatises, p. 37.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 2} Peck, F., Desiderata Curiosa (London, 1779), P. 151.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 3} Penry, , Three Treatises, p. 39.Google Scholar We must bear such facts in mind when we hear contemporaries or historians speak of ‘overproduction of graduates’ at this time. As with the total population, the surplus was relative, not absolute. Given a different economic structure and government policy, it could have been absorbed.

^{page 88 note 4} Scott Pearson, A. F., Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism, 1535–1603 (Cambridge, 1925), p. 234Google Scholar. I owe this reference to my pupil, Mr A. J. V. Cheetham.

^{page 89 note 1} Vaughan, W., The Spirit of Detraction (London, 1611), pp. 92–94Google Scholar; cf. pp. 106–10, 249; V.C.H., Cumberland, ii, p. 89Google Scholar; V.C.H., Durham, ii, p. 35.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 2} Kaye, W. J., ‘An Ecclesiastical Survey of the Province and Diocese of York, 1603’, Yorkshire Archaeol. Journal, xxxi (1934), pp. 421–22Google Scholar. But at this date there were proportionately more preachers in the province of York than in that of Canterbury. Bishop Davies of St David's complained that impropriations held clerical stipends down, and so preachers could be got only by pluralism (G. Williams, ‘Richard Davies’, p. 157). For impropriations in the North, see my Economic Problems of the Church (Oxford, 1956), p. 140.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 3} Gruffydd, ‘Bishop Francis Godwin's Injunctions’, p. 16.

^{page 89 note 4} Peck, , Desiderata Curiosa, p. 94Google Scholar; cf. Bishop Richard Davies's remark that the Queen's impropriations were the worst of all in his diocese (Thomas, , Bishop Davies and William Salesbury, p. 28).Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 5} Parker, , Correspondence, p. 222Google Scholar; Brook, V. J. K., A Life of Archbishop Parker, pp. 151–52.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 6} Sanders, E., A View of the State of Religion in the Diocese of St David's, pp. 65–68Google Scholar. (I quote the 1949 reprint of this book, originally published in 1721.) For other impropriations held by members of the hierarchy in Wales, see Richards, , History of the Puritan Movement in Wales, pp. 3–5.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 1} Penry, , Three Treatises, pp. 38–40, 155–56.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 2} Ibid., p. 65.

^{page 90 note 3} Quoted in Addison, W., Worthy Dr Fuller (London, 1951), p. 285Google Scholar; cf. Fuller, T., Worthies (London, 1840), ii, p. 520.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 4} Axon, E., ‘The King's Preachers in Lancashire, 1599–1845’, Trans. Lancashire and Cheshire Antiq. Soc., lvi, pp. 68–103;Google ScholarHalley, R., Lancashire: its Puritanism and Nonconformity (London, 1869), i, pp. 65–66Google Scholar. Cf. Harrison, W., King's Preacher, The Difference of Hearers (London, 1614), passim.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 1} Bacon, F., Works, ed. Spedding, J. (London, 1868–1874), x, p. 124Google Scholar; xi, p. 254. Bacon proposed that ‘reading ministers, if they have rich benefices’, should be charged to finance the scheme, which would be enough to damn it in the bishops' eyes.

^{page 91 note 2} Usher, R. G., The Reconstruction of the English Church (London, 1910), ii, pp. 352–53Google Scholar; Strype, , Life of Whitgift, iii, p. 405Google Scholar; V.C.H., Lancashire, ii, p. 59Google Scholar. Mr Marchant explains the lenient treatment which Puritan ministers received in the diocese of York, down to the late 1620's, by their usefulness as preachers (Marchant, R. A., The Puritans and the Church Courts in the Diocese of York, 1560–1642 (London, 1960), pp. 24, 140–44, 183Google Scholar). Here again the Laudians seemed to be the innovators.

^{page 91 note 3} Curtis, M. H., ‘The Hampton Court Conference and its aftermath’, History, xlvi (1961), pp. 12, 15Google Scholar; Usher, , op.cit., i, p. 331Google Scholar; Dodd, , Studies in Stuart Wales, p. 41.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 4} Penry, , Three Treatises, pp. 40–41, 56.Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 1} Dodd, , Studies in Stuart Wales, p. 62Google Scholar. This was still a small proportion of the total population. There was not one Bible in 500 families, said Vavasor Powell in 1646; scarce one among twenty families, said the translator of Perkins, more cautiously, three years later (Richards, , History of the Puritan Movement in Wales, p. 11).Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 2} Dodd, loc. cit. Heylyn also promoted the publication of a Welsh dictionary. Myddelton's brother had published in 1603 the first Welsh metrical version of the Psalms (Ballinger, J., The Bible in Wales (London, 1906), p. 24).Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 3} The phrase is Shaw's, John (Yorkshire Diaries and Autobiographies in the 17th and 18th Centuries (Surtees Soc, 1875), p. 128).Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 4} Ballinger, , op. cit., p. 29Google Scholar. White, John was author of The First Century of Scandalous Malignant Priests (London, 1643)Google Scholar. He was the great-grandfather of John and Charles Wesley. Richard Baxter hoped to meet John White in Heaven, together with Lord Brooke, John Hampden and John Pym.

^{page 92 note 5} Preston, J., A Sermon Preached … before the Commons House, 2 July 162S, printed with The Saints Qualification, 2nd edn (London, 1634), pp. 298–99.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 1} Morgan, I., Prince Charles's Puritan Chaplain (London, 1957), pp. 118, 181Google Scholar; see also my Economic Problems of the Church, p. 257Google Scholar. In the 1630's there were long disputes over this lectureship, in which the Privy Council intervened (Cal. State Papers Dom., 1637–38, pp. 58–59). For Heylyn's other benefactions to Shropshire, see Jordan, W. K., The Charities of London, 1480–1660 (London, 1960), pp. 198, 288, 374.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 2} Activities of the Puritan Faction of the Church of England, 1625–33, ed. Calder, I. M. (S.P.C.K., London, 1957), pp. xvi–xxii, 10, 85Google Scholar; Calder, , ‘A Seven teenth Century Attempt to purify the Anglican Church’, American Hist. Rev., liii (1947–1948), p. 766.Google Scholar The vicar at Bridgnorth, where Richard Baxter was lecturer, got an augmentation from the Feoffees. For Presteign (the largest purchase which the Feoffees made) see Howse, W. H., ‘A Contest for a Radnorshire Rectory in the Seventeenth Century’, Journal Hist. Soc. of the Church in Wales, vii (1957), pp. 70–78Google Scholar; Calder, , ‘The St Antholin Lectures’, Church Quarterly Rev., clx (1959), pp. 52–56.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 3} See my Economic Problems of the Church, pp. 267–71Google Scholar, and references there given; Letters of John Chamberlain, ed. McClure, N. E. (Philadelphia, 1939), ii, p. 408Google Scholar; Jordan, , The Charities of London, pp. 153–54, 236–37, 285–86Google Scholar; Griffiths, G. M., ‘Educational Activity in the Diocese of St Asaph’, Journal Hist. Soc. of the Church in Wales, iii (1953), pp. 64–77Google Scholar. Cf. Willan, T. S., Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade (Manchester, 1959), pp. 195–96.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 1} Beller, E. A., ‘A Seventeenth Century Miscellany’, Huntingdon Library Quarterly, vi (1942–1943), p. 217Google Scholar, quoting Samuel Annesley.

^{page 94 note 2} The lecturer appointed to Berwick proved so ‘factious’ that in 1639 Charles I asked the Company to suspend him. For other similar activities by London companies, see Jordan, , The Charities of London, pp. 231–32, 236, 286–87.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 3} City of Exeter MSS (Hist. MSS Comm), pp. 195–96Google Scholar: the bishop of Carlisle to the mayor of Exeter, 10 Oct. 1633.

^{page 94 note 4} Jordan, , Philanthropy in England, 1480–1660 (London, 1959), pp. 253, 314.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 5} Ibid., pp. 252, 282, 289, 364; Jordan, , The Charities of Rural England, 1480–1660 (London, 1961), pp. 220–21, 418, 422–26Google Scholar. For London donations to Yorkshire, see Jordan, , The Charities of London, passim, esp. pp. 110, 288, 290Google Scholar; The Charities of Rural England, esp. pp. 218, 233–42, 300, 309, 324–49, 377–79, 406–15, 432Google Scholar. For donations to other northern, Welsh and Marcher counties, see Jordan, , The Social Institutions of Lancashire (Chetham Soc., 1962), passimGoogle Scholar; The Charities of London, esp. pp. 117, 149, 153–54, 184, 198, 204, 220–42, 263, 283–90, 344, 348–49, 374, 382Google Scholar. For donations from other southern counties, see ibid., pp. 162, 234, 244, 317, 331–32, 337, 354.

^{page 95 note 1} Parker, , Correspondence, p. 188.Google Scholar Some bishops nevertheless managed to do so.

^{page 95 note 2} Jordan, , The Charities of Rural England, p. 332Google Scholar, quoting from the funeral sermon by Layfielde, Edmund on William Fawcett of London, The Soules Solace (London, 1633)Google Scholar. In addition to rebuilding a chapel at Halton Gill, building a school, augmenting the schoolmaster's salary and providing for the poor, Fawcett endowed two sermons for each anniversary of Gun powder Plot.

^{page 95 note 3} Jordan, , The Charities of Rural England, pp. 406, 411–15.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 4} Cal. State Papers Dom., 1629–31, p. 473. For lack of preaching on the Border, see Bouch, C. M. L., Prelates and People of the Lake Counties … (Kendal, 1948), pp. 217, 244–45, 258Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 5} Quoted in Barclay, R., The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth (London, 1876), p. 260Google Scholar. The merchants of Sunderland sup ported Parliament in the Civil War, the ‘ancient and opulent’ gentry families outside were royalist (Gregg, P., Free-born John: A Biography of John Lilburne (London, 1961), p. 97).Google Scholar

^{page 96 note 1} London, W., A Catalogue of the Most Vendible Books in England (London, 1657)Google Scholar, Sig. B. These were the four counties later covered by Parliament's Commission for Propagating the Gospel.

^{page 96 note 2} Jordan, , The Charities of London, pp. 249–50Google Scholar; 24 of 45 unendowed schools set up outside London and Middlesex were in seven western counties extending from Cumberland to Herefordshire. Over 18% of Londoners who made benefactions in the Welsh border region were not western-born. In Wales the percentage was 29 (ibid., p. 313).

^{page 96 note 3} Ibid., p. 426.

^{page 96 note 4} Brinsley, J., A Consolation for our Grammar Schools (London, 1622), Sig.*3, pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

^{page 96 note 5} Manning, J. A., Memoirs of Sir Benjamin Rudyerd (London, 1841 pp. 135–38.Google Scholar Cf. Smart, P., Preface to A Short Treatise of Altars (1629)Google Scholar: there was very little preaching ‘in most parishes, if not all the country towns of Wales, and too many in England’, especially in the North (The Acts of the High Commission Court within the Diocese of Durham, ed. Long-staffe, W. H. D. (Surtees Soc., 1858), p. 204).Google Scholar

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^{page 97 note 2} Mendenhall, , The Shrewsbury Drapers and the Welsh Wool Trade, pp. 43–44Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 3} Gruffydd, ‘Bishop Francis Godwin's Injunctions’, p. 17.

^{page 98 note 1} Harrison, W., The Difference of Hearers (London, 1614)Google Scholar, passim; James, Richard, Iter Lancastrense, ed. Corser, T. (Chetham Soc., 1845), pp. 10–11, 59Google Scholar; Political Ballads published in England during the Commonwealth, ed. Wright, T. (Percy Soc., 1841), p. 127Google Scholar; Briggs, K. M., Pale Hecate's Team (London, 1962), p. 112.Google Scholar For ignorance of Jesus Christ in Lancashire, see Yorkshire Diaries and Autobiographies in the 17th and 18th Centuries, pp. 138–39.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 2} Rees, , Protestant Nonconformity in Wales, pp. 43, 47.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 3} Laud, Works, v, p. 320.

^{page 98 note 4} Rees, , op. cit., p. 41.Google Scholar The Llanfaches Puritans were in touch with those of Bristol as well as of London (The Records of the Church of Christ in Broadmead Bristol, 1640–87, ed. Underhill, E. B. (Hanserd Knollys Soc., 1847), pp. 9, 27–30, 37Google Scholar). For other examples of episcopal suppression, see Richards, , Puritan Movement in Wales, pp. 26–28Google Scholar. Many of the ejected ministers joined the Parliamentary armies during the Civil War, or found preferment in London (ibid., pp. 75–76).

^{page 99 note 1} Marchant, , The Puritans and the Church Courts …, p. 87; cf. pp. 129, 186.Google Scholar

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^{page 99 note 3} Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Publications, 4th Series, vi (1863), p. 458. Jacie was born in Yorkshire.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 4} The Life and Death of Mr Henry Jessey (London, 1671), pp. 6, 9–10. He had previously contemplated emigrating to New England.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 5} Bacon, , Works, x, p. 381.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 6} P. Williams, ‘The Welsh Borderland under Elizabeth’, p. 29.1 Sir Rees, J. F., Studies in Welsh History (Cardiff, 1947), p. 84Google Scholar. Pembroke was the only Welsh county to be mentioned in an act against enclosures—39 Eliz., c. 2 (I owe this point to Sir J. P. Rees).

^{page 100 note 1} SirRees, J. F.Studies in Welsh Hisoty (Cardiff, 1947), p. 84.Google Scholar Pembroke was the only Welsh county to be mentioned in an act against enclosures—39 Eliz., c. 2 (I owe this point to Sir J. P. Rees).

^{page 100 note 2} Dodd, , A History of Wrexham, pp. 51–53Google Scholar; cf. pp. 37–40, and Dodd, , ‘Welsh and English in East Denbighshire’, Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 1940, p. 48Google Scholar; Palmer, A. N., The History of the Parish Church of Wrexham (Wrexham, 1887), pp. 73–74.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 3} Dodd, , A History of Wrexham, pp. 51–52, 167Google Scholar; Nuttall, G. F., The Welsh Saints (Cardiff, 1957), p. 75Google Scholar. It was also in 1603 that an alderman of Chester left money to endow a grammar school in Wrexham (Knight, L. S., ‘Welsh Schools from A.D. 1000 to A.D. 1600’, Archaeologia Cambrensis, 6th Series, xix (1919), pp. 8–9Google Scholar).

^{page 100 note 4} Froysell, T., The Beloved Disciple (London, 1658)Google Scholar, funeral sermon on SirHarley, Robert, in Letters of Lady Brilliana Harley, p. xxxiiiGoogle Scholar; cf. ibid., p. 207. For Rowland Vaughan's rather ineffective attempts to get a preaching minister in his part of Herefordshire, see Wood, , Rowland Vaughan, His Booke, pp. 38–40Google Scholar. Cf. also Mathew, D., ‘Wales and England in the Seventeenth Cen tury’, Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 1955, p. 38Google Scholar. A similar situation prevailed in Cornwall, where Lord Robartes, the Bullers, Rouses and Boscawens befriended Puritans and were Parliamentarians; but they too were a minority among the landed class (Coate, M., Cornwall in the Great Civil War and Interregnum, 1642–60 (Oxford Univ. Press, 1933), p. 327).Google Scholar

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^{page 101 note 3} Sibbes, R., The Bruised Reed… (London, 1838), pp. 11, 40, 103Google Scholar; Reliquiae Baxterianae, p. 31.

^{page 101 note 4} Dodd, , Studies in Stuart Wales, pp. 21–22, 177.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 5} Peck, , Desiderata Curiosa, p. 430Google Scholar; Sunderland, F. H., Marmaduke, Lord Langdale … (London, 1926), p. 69.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 6} Corbet, J., An Historicall Relation of the Military Government of Gloucester… (London, 1645Google Scholar), reprinted in Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis (Gloucester, 1823), i, p. 10Google Scholar. Cf ibid., p. 27: ‘Those miserable Welshmen…were partly constrained to take up arms, partly allured with the hope of plunder’. There was ‘inveterate hatred…between Welshmen and the citizens of Gloucester’.

^{page 102 note 1} Quoted in Tucker, N., North Wales in the Civil War (Denbigh, 1958), p. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 2} Hall, Thomas, Funebria Florae, The Downfall of May-Games, 2nd edn (London, 1661), p. 34Google Scholar. Hall was curate of King's Norton, Worcestershire. The first edition of his pamphlet appeared in 1660.