¹ E.H.R, October 1888. J. F. Bright, A History of England.

² Martin, Histoire de France depuis 1789, iv. 308, 1879.

³ Lamartine, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 106, 1852.

⁴ Viel-Castel, Histoire de la Restauration, xi. 467–620, 1868.

^{page 60 note 1} Coleig-Brialmont, Life of Wellington, p. 393, 1862.

^{page 60 note 2} Martens, Recueil, xi. 306.

^{page 60 note 3} La Grande Encyclopédie, vii. 143.

^{page 60 note 4} Russie, 164, Arch. Paris, Laferronnays’ despatch, August 10, 1822. ‘Son zèle et son intatigable ardeur pour le travail m'ont été de la plus grande utilité pendant les deux derniers Congrès; et j'avoue à Votre Excellence que … J'attacherois un bien grand prix à avoir de plus M. de Boislecomte. J'aurais même pris sur moi de l'emmener immédiatement, si je n'avois pas pensé qu'il étoit convenable et même de devoir d'attendre à cet égard l'autorisation de Votre Excellence. Je le demande avec instance, et si elle veut bien me l'accorder, j'oserais la prier de vouloir bien faire expédier immédiatement à M. de Boislecomte l'ordre le me rejoindre à Vienne; en faisant cette demande, Votre Excellence peut être assurée que je n'ai en vue que le bien du service.’

^{page 61 note 1} Le Correspondant, September 10, 1901, ‘Un Diplomate sous la Monarchie de Juillet,’ pp. 840–60.

^{page 61 note 2} Histoire de mon temp, v. 458 (1894).

^{page 62 note 1} France, Boislecomte, 720, Arch. Paris.

‘Ces recherches venant de faire l'objet d'un travail spécial demandé pour le Comte de La Ferronnays à celui qui rédige ce mémoire, on en indiquera ici le résultat tel qu'il fut présenté le 5 novembre à l'ambassadeur du Roi.’

^{page 62 note 2} The full title of this piece is ‘Écrit sur le Congrès de Vérone’. There is no record of it in the Paris archives, and I have been unable to discover it.

^{page 62 note 3} France, Boislecomte, 720, 722, Arch. Paris.

He says furthermore: —

‘Le due de Wellington s’était montré pendant son séjour à Vérone plus occupé de l'effet que ces piéces produiraient sur la nation que de celui qu'elles devaient avoir sur le congrès.

‘La nature de la responsabilite d’un ministre constitutional lui faisait desirer d'éViter les formes officielles et la n£cessite de remettre des notes qu'il faudrait plus tard défendre au Parlement.’

Chateaubriand expresses the same idea.Le Congrès de Vérone, p. 124:—‘Par la forme de son gouvernement, par l’intervention de l'opinion nationale ?et de la publicité parlementaire, l'Angleterre était obligée, il est vrai, de mettre de la réserve dans ses réponses; elle ne pouvait pas avoir l'allure dégagée de ces monarchies continentales qui n'ont aucun compte à rendre à leurs sujets.’

^{page 63 note 1} Lamartine, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 106 (1852):—

‘II y avait à Londres, comme à Paris, une politique de chambres et de publicité qui parlait à haute voix, et une politique d'aristocratie et de cour qui poussait dans l'ombre. On s'attendait à des discours hostiles de M. Canning; on ne craignait pas ses flottes.’

^{page 64 note 1} Wellington was not present at the conferences of November 17, 18, 19. He asked to be excused owing to the embarrassment and regret which he felt while playing his official rÔle.

^{page 65 note 1} Montmorency's famous paper of October 20 was the outcome of a conversation with Metternich more than a month previously at Vienna. October 20 is the sequel to September 11. It was the same with the conference of October 31. Metternich had been hawking about his proposals several days before he submitted them to the conference. The general principle holds good throughout.

^{page 67 note 1} For full text of Montmorency's paper, see Well. Desp. Sup., i. 403–4.

The three questions addressed to the Powers were: (1) If France broke off relations with Madrid, would the other Powers do the same ? (2) If war were to break out, what moral support were the Allies prepared to give France ? and (3) What material support would they be ready to give her if she should ever be in a situation which made such support necessary ?

^{page 67 note 2} France, Boislecomte, 720, Arch. Paris.

October 24, Alexander to Montmorency: ‘ Vous vous êtes placés sur un excellent terrain en vous mettant sur la defensive … après avoir été condamné à faire la guerre à la France, je serai heureux de la faire avec elle.’

Cf. Vill. Mem., iii. 148, where these remarks are substantially repeated.

That Wellington was in no doubt as to the real meaning of Montmorency's paperis clear from his despatches of October 22 and 29. (See Well. Desp. Sup., i. 409, 457.) As Boislecomte says, the talk at Verona was all of war. Alexander behaved as if war was already declared, and Wellington gave his advice as to how the campaign should be conducted. Prussia openly declared against war on the ground that France was in no way threatened by what was going on in Spain. The Austrian Emperor disclaimed all responsibility, saying he had quite enough to do to look after Italian affairs; while Metternich was of opinion that now the matter had come before the Congress, it were better to do badly than do nothing. On October 26 Wellington suggested to Montmorency to ask for British good offices. The offer was promptly refused. ‘If war does break out,’ so Wellington is reported to have said, ‘we shall have to see which of the two Powers has really provoked it.’ Wellington's idea was that if France refused British good offices, it would be certain she was steering for war. (See Wellington's note to Londonderry Memorandum, No. 2, Well. Desp. Sup., i. 485.) Wellington was not very astonished at the refusal. (See Vill. Mem., iii. 164.)

^{page 67 note 3} 721, Congrès de Vérone, Arch. Paris.

‘Tous ces motifs doivent porter les plénipotentiaries francais à déclarer au Congrès que la France n'a pas plus à redouter l'anarchie de ses voisins —que les autres états de l'Europe; qu'en moyen des trente mille hommes qu'elle a sur sa frontière des Pyrenées son territoire est à l'abri de toute insulte …’ etc., etc.

^{page 68 note 1} Hansard, N.S., viii. 1225.

^{page 68 note 2} Ibid., 1059.

^{page 68 note 3} Well. Desp. Sup., i. 409. Wellington's despatch of October 22.

^{page 68 note 4} Ibid., i. 492. Wellington's despatch of November 5.

^{page 68 note 5} Ibid., i. 487, note by the Duke of Londonderry Mem. No. 2.

^{page 68 note 6} France, Boislecomte, 720, Arch. Paris.

^{page 69 note 1} Well. Desp. Sup., i. 304. Canning's despatch of September 27.

^{page 69 note 2} See F.O. Russia, 135, Bagot despatches of 1822.

On November 22, 1822, Wellington wrote: ‘He (Alexander) wishes to get out of the Turkish question, and in order to effect. this purpose, he has required the aid of some affair in Spain,’ Well. Desp. Sup., i. 567. So also thought Laferronnays, French ambassador at Petersburg, see Russie, 163, Arch. Paris Desp. January to July 1822. Martens supports this view. Moreover, at Vienna when Alexander saw that the foreign ministers were against armed intervention in Spain, he revived the Russian pretensions with regard to Turkey. Tatischeff lent additional emphasis to Nesselrode's circular note by stating that these affairs ‘could only end in cannon shot.’Naturally Metternich was scared. See also Vill. Mem., iii. 160. Mont. Desp. of October 28.

^{page 71 note 1} France, Boislecomte, 720, Arch. Paris.

^{page 72 note 1} Well. Desp. Sup., i. 565–6 Wellington's despatch of November 22. ‘ But having got rid of the great danger ot all to the Austrian Government, and that which pressed immediately, the march of a Russian army through Germany into Italy, and this upon my failure by the means of the French minister, he then turned short round upon the remainder of the question … and within the last week he has discovered that it was impossible for the Emperor of Austria not to pronounce his opinion upon the Spanish revolution, and against what was passing in Spain.’

^{page 72 note 2} A. G. Stapleton, George Canning and his Times, p. 364 (1859).‘You know my politics well enough to know what I mean when I say that for Europe I shall be desirous now and then to read England.’ Canning to Sir Charles Bagot, November 5, 1822.

^{page 73 note 1} ‘I make it a rule in everything that I do to conform to the orders and wishes of my superiors, whatever difference of opinion there may be between us.’ Wellington to Mr. Cook, April i5, 1814.

^{page 73 note 2} Wellington's prosecution of the Morning Journalin 1830 for criminal libel owing to its criticisms on his administration is the best illustration of this. The articles appeared in the summer of 1829. Cf. also what George IV is reported to have said of him in 1828: ‘King Arthur must go to the devil, or King George must go to Hanover’. (Letters of Princess Lieven,.1902.) Moreover, hehad been talked of for the Foreign Office on Castlereagh's death. (Creevey Papers, 1905.)

^{page 74 note 1} There can be no doubt that even in the Cabinet itself there was a very strong group opposed to Canning's Spanish policy. In the spring of 1823 it looked as if the Tory party would be split in consequence. Marcellus sent to France some interesting details of all this. (See Politique de la Restauration, pp. 143, 152, 157, 163.) But by friendsI do not mean merely English political friends, but the ministers of foreign states gathered at Verona, many of whom were warm friends of Wellington, and no less than he of the High Tory persuasion.

^{page 74 note 2} France, Boislecomte, 720, Arch. Paris.

Wellington to the French ministers at the close of the Congress: ‘Jecrois que vous faites mal d'adopter les mesures que vous venez de prendre, mais je souhaite de tout mon cceur que vous réussissiez.’

See also Well. Desp. Sup., i. 343: ‘Prince Metternich feels as we do, an anxious desire that the Spaniards may be left to them elves ’.

Also Vill. Mem., iii. 225. ‘Deux des ministres ne poussent pas leurs désires au delà, et seraient même fachés que la guerre dut s'ensuivre. La Russie seule sourit à cette chance-là.’ Mont. Desp. of November 19.

^{page 75 note 1} C. D. Yonge, Life of Wellington, ii., 95 (1860).