¹ Paul's two Epistles to the Corinthians fall about 54–57 A.D. The Second Epistle was composed about 57. Sickenberger, J., Die beiden Briefe des hl. Paulus an die Korinther (3rd ed., Bonn, 1923), p. 77.Google Scholar

² II Cor. 8.Google Scholar

³ Vulgate, : Et consilium in hoc do: hoc enim vobis utile est, qui non solum facere, sed et velle coepistis ab anno priore. Google Scholar

⁴ Lietzmann, H., Die Briefe des Apostels Paulus (Handbuch zum Neuen Testament , Tübingen, 1910), II Cor. 8, 10.Google Scholar

⁵ Loc. cit. Google Scholar

⁶ For this and for further sayings in this sense by Chrysostom, cf. sect. X infra. Google Scholar

⁷ Cf. sect. XII, infra. Google Scholar

⁸ Cf. sect. X, infra, between nn. 86 and 87.Google Scholar

⁹ Vulgate: Unus quisque prout destinavit in corde suo, non ex tristitia, aut ex necessitate: hilarem enim datorem diligit Deus. Google Scholar

¹⁰ Aristophanes, , Ranae , 455: (“sun and light of the day are radiant only to us”).—Apollonides, 8 (X, 19); Athenaeus Naucratitas (XV, 697d) ἱλαρὰ ᾅσματα.—See, on further passages, Bauer, W., Wörterbuch des Neuen Testaments, v. ἱλαρóς ; Bultmann, R., art. ἱλαρóς, in Kittel, G., Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, III, 298; Preisigke, F., Wörterbuch der Griechischen Papyrusurkunden, I (1925), v. ἱλαρóς.—For further quotations, see infra. Google Scholar

¹¹ Vulgate, : qui miseretur in hilaritate.—Related to it is I Pet. 4, 9 “Use hospitality one towards another without murmuring” Hospitality, the sheltering of strangers without remuneration is closely akin to donation. It is so treated also by the Greek philosophers and by the Fathers (cf. sec. XI, at nn. 114-117, infra).Google Scholar

¹² Cf. Bultmann, , art. cit. , p. 299; Lietzmann, , p. 203; Cornely, R., Commentarius in S. Pauli Epist., III (Paris, 1892), 245.Google Scholar

¹³ Vulgate, : Qui pronus est ad misericordiam benedicitur .Google Scholar

¹⁴ Bultmann, , loc. cit. Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cornely, , Commentarius , p. 245.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Bultmann, R., art. cit. , p. 298, suspected, however, that the translator's edition, Prov. 22, 8a, constituted merely a “variant translation” (Uebersetzungsvariante) of v. 9 of the Hebrew original which immediately follows it. But the two verses are different from each other. The Hebrew text of v. 9 reads as follows: “He who has a good eye is blessed”, while the translator in v. 22, 8a, says: “God blesseth a cheerful man and giver”. The “good eye” of the Old Testament may connote a “well-meaning heart” rather than merely a physiognomic characteristic (Bultmann, , p. 298), but it does not embrace the sense of the Greek-Hellenistic word ἱλαρóς = “cheerful”, “bright”. Moreover, the words of the Hebrew original refer quite generally to a “well-meaning man”. The translator of the Septuagint quite clearly refers to a particular type of well-meaning men, that is, to men who give, and give cheerfully. Thereby he praises something different from the Hebrew original: he promises God's blessing for a single, definite, activity which is performed under quite specific circumstances; namely, giving, and giving with a cheerful attitude of mind .Google Scholar

¹⁷ Sept.: oς ἄν δóξῃ τ καρδίᾳ; Vulgate: qui offeret ultroneus. The expression recurs in Ex. 35, 5 and elsewhere, for instance in II Chron. 29, 31, as well as with Ezra and Nehemia.Google Scholar

¹⁸ In Ex. 35, 22 and II Chron. 29, 31, these words read: nedîb leb (meaning: “ready heart”); in Ex. 35, 2 it reads: nedîb libbô (“his heart is ready”).Google Scholar

¹⁹ I owe this information as well as the translation to Professor R. H. Pfeiffer.Google Scholar

²⁰ See sections V, VI, infra. Google Scholar

²¹ On Jewish-Hellenistic and later Jewish Literature see sect. VI infra. Google Scholar

²² Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 12.Google Scholar

²³ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 1-45.Google Scholar

²⁴ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 1–20.Google Scholar

²⁵ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 1.Google Scholar

²⁶ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 7: “The [best] use of wealth seems to consist in spending and giving.” Moreover, Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 8: “manifestly doing good and acting nobly go with giving”. Also Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 10: “Again, it is those who give whom we call liberal.”—Andronicus the Peripatetician (from Rhodes, who lived in Rome in Augustus' era) writes in his work, (Schuchhardt, p. 25, 9; v. Arnim, , Stoicorum veterum fragmenta, III, 67, 1. 6): ἐλϵ ϑεριóτης μὲν oν ἐστιν ἕξις ἐν Πρoέσει καί λήψει ὁμoλoυγεμένως ἀναστρεϕoμένo υς Παρεχoμένη. Google Scholar

²⁷ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 1–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 14; cf. also IV, 2, 10.Google Scholar

²⁹ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 5: μεγαλoπρεΠὴς ἐΠιστήμoνι ἔoικεν. Google Scholar

³⁰ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 11.Google Scholar

³¹ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 13, cf. IV, 1, 14. Again he repeats in IV, 1, 24: “The liberal man will feel pleasure in giving” .Google Scholar

³² Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 7.Google Scholar

³³ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 8: Google Scholar

³⁴ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 119.Google Scholar

³⁵ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 14.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. sect. X, XII infra. Google Scholar

³⁷ Nic. Eth. IV, 1, 12: “Acts of virtue are noble, and are performed for the sake of nobility” .Google Scholar

³⁸ ( Cornuti Theologiae Graecae Compendium , ed. Lang, C., Leipzig, 1881).Google Scholar

³⁹ Carnutus came from Leptis (Africa), taught in Rome, and was exiled by Nero in 66 or 68 A.D. (cf. v. Arnim. art. “Annaeus Carnutus”, Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft , I, 2225 ff.).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Theologia Graeca, c. 35 (p. 76, lin. 5 ff.). Cf. v. Arnim. l. c. Google Scholar

⁴¹ Zeller-Nestle, , Grundriss der Geschichte der griechischen Philosophie (13th ed.), p. 328.Google Scholar

⁴² Theologia Graeca , c. 15 (p. 20, lin. 5 ff.).Google Scholar

⁴³ Lightfoot, I. B., St. Paul's Epistles to the Philippians (London, 1894), p. 293 ff. Cf. Deissmann, , Paulus (2nd ed., 1925) and The Religion of Jesus and the Faith of Paul (1923) on the spurious correspondence of St. Paul and Seneca; it originates probably from the third century A.D., cf. Kurfess, A., Mnemosyne, IX (1940), 151.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Seneca, , De beneficiis (ed. Hosius, C., Leipzig, 1914), II, 1, 1 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Differently: Didache I, 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Nam cum in beneficio iucundissima sit tribuentis voluntas, quia nolentem se tribuisse ipsa cunctatione testatus est, non dedit sed adversus ducentem male retinuit … Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Seneca, , De vita beata, c. 24: nec bonitas nec liberalitas esse potest si haec non per se exppectantur, sed ad voluptatem utilitatemve referantur.—Voluptas (ἡδoνή) for its own sake differs entirely from the cheerful satisfaction felt by the benevolent giver as an accompanying attitude of mind in his good action. Cf. Zeller-Nestle, , pp. 233, 269.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Rahlfs, Alfred, Septuaginta (Stuttgart, 1935), p. 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ John Thackeray, Henry St., A Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek according to the Septuagint , I (Cambridge, 1909), p. 12 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Peters, N., art. “Sirach”, Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche , IX, 594.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Oesterley, W. O. E., Ecclesiasticus (Cambridge, 1912), p. xxiv ff.—Levi, I., art. “Sirach”, The Jewish Encyclopedia, XI, 390, emphasizes the Hellenistic influence even more strongly. “Not only does he share characteristic ideas with the Greek tragedians and moralists, but he even has the same taste for certain common topics, such as false friendship, the uncertainty of happiness, and especially the faults of women”.—The influence of Stoic philosophy is also reflected in the “Song of Solomon”, composed about 200 B.C. (Zeller-Nestle, p. 315 ff.) and in the book “Wisdom”; cf. Heinisch, Paul, Das Buch Weisheit (Exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament , ed. Nikel, Joh., XXIV, Münster i.W. 1912), pp. xix, xxi. Both belong to the Jewish-Hellenistic literature of Egypt.Google Scholar

⁵² Oesterley, , p. 224.Google Scholar

⁵³ Moore, G. F., Judaism , I (Cambridge, Mass., 1927), p. 77.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Translation by Taylor, Charles, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (2nd ed. Cambridge, 1897), p. 23 ff.; cf. Strack-Billerbeck, , Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch (München, 1926), I, 459. See sec. III supra on giving with a “prompting heart”.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Moore, , I, 158, expresses doubts as to the authorship of the words attributed to Nathan.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Leviticus Robbie , 34; Midrash, 131b. Cf. Strack-Billerbeck, , Kommentar, I, 542, note 9.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Mention ought to be made also of a few late sayings, namely by Rashi (born at Troyes, France, died 1105, cf. Moore, I, 97): “There are men who hurt, whether they give or not” (other version: “who are angered, whether they give or not”). Cf. Strack-Billerbeck, , 1, 542, note 9.—Rabbi Maimonides (1135-1204) enumerates eight degrees of charity in a descending scale, in his treatise on Charity, c. 10: “At the bottom of the scale comes the man who gives with a sullen mien”. (Moore, II, 178 ff.).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ The time of writing is controversial. Cf. Knopf, Rudolf, Die Apostolischen Väter (Handbuch zum Neuen Testament , Ergänzungsband, Tübingen, 1920), p. 3; Altaner, B., Patrologie (Freiburg i.B., 1938), p. 13 f.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See note 11 supra. Google Scholar

⁶⁰ This is preached, for example, by Irenaeus of Lyons, , Adv. haer. 4, 2,4 (Stieren, 563) and Cyprian, , De Op. et eleemos. c. 25 (ed. Haertel, , I, 393 ff.). Cf. Uhlhorn, G., Die christliche Liebestätigkeit der alten Kirche (Stuttgart, 1882), I, 142; Schilling, O., Reichtum und Eigentum in der altkirchlichen Literatur (Freiburg i.B., 1908), pp. 56, 60 ff.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Irenaeus, , Adv. haer. 4, 2, 4 (Stieren, 563).Google Scholar

⁶² Altaner, B., Patrologie , p. 115.Google Scholar

⁶³ Cf. Lietzmann, H., Geschichte der alten Kirche , II (Berlin, 1936), p. 296.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Migne, , P.G. IX, 605–652.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Quis dives salv. c. 18 (Migne, , P.G. IX, 621).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Quis dives salv. c. 3 (Migne, , P.G. IX, 605 ff.).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Migne, , P.G. IX, 637.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Paedagogos , 3, 6 (Migne, , P.G. VIII, 604).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ The Oxyrhynchus Papyri , ed. Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S., vol. III (London, 1903), nos. 429 and 490.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Similarly, the will of Thatres (Pap. Oxy. III, no. 492, lin. 5 ff.) from the year 130 A.D. reads: “I hereby leave as heirs (there follow the names of two half-brothers), according to my benevolent mind (κατὰ ϕιλoστoργίας), to each an equal share …”.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Printed in New Classical Fragments and other Greek and Latin Paypri , ed. Grenfell, and Hunt, (Oxford, 1897), no. 71 (pp. 110 ff.), also in Mitteis-Wilcken, , Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyrusurkunde, vol. II, ii (1912), pp. 207 ff., no. 190.Google Scholar

⁷² Reprinted as no. 191 in Chrestomathie II, ii, 209. This document was repeated in 270 A.D. ( Pap. Grenf. II, 70 = Chrestomathie II, 209, no. 191).Google Scholar

⁷³ Cf. Pringsheim, , “Animus donandi,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, Rom. Abt. , XLII (1921), 286.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ On these documents cf. sect. XIII, at note 149, infra, dealing with Byzantine law.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Harnack, , Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (4th ed., Leipzig, 1926), II, 716, 720. See also p. 705 ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Grenfell-Hunt, , New Class. Fragments , p. 104 (to Pap. Grenf. II, no. 68).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Cf. Harnack, , Mission , I, 289, n. 4, and the sources cited there on the importance of the Septuagint for the Greek speaking world.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Cf. Harnack, , Mission , I, 365 ff. on the teachers who were active in Egyptian villages as late as the middle of the third century.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Migne, , P.G. XXXI, 1507.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Migne, , P.G. XXXV, 896.Google Scholar

⁸¹ On Chrysostom's life cf. Lietzmann, H., art. “Joannes Chrysostomus,” Realencyclopaedie der class. Altertumswiss. , IX, 1811 ff., also Baur, Chr., Der h. Johannes Chrysostomus und seine Zeit, 2 vols. (1929, 1930).Google Scholar

⁸² Cf. Bruck, E. F., “Kirchlich-Soziales Erbrecht in Byzanz: Johannes Chrysostomus und die Mazedonischen Kaiser”, Studi Riccobono , III (Palermo, 1936), pp. 390–395, and “Die Gesinnung des Schenkers bei Johannes Chrysostomus”, Mnemosyna Pappulias (Athens, 1934), p. 66 ff.Google Scholar

⁸³ Chrysostomus, , In. epist. ad Hebr. cap. XII; Hom. XXXII, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXIII, 224).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ibid. , col. 223.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ For performing charity, i.e. bestowing benefits and almsgiving, words such as διδóναι ἐλεημoσύνας (according to Luc. 11, 41; 12, 33) and (cf. Act. 9, 36; 10, 2; 24, 17) are used. Cf. Bruck, E. F., Studi Riccobono , III, 390 f.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Cf. Schilling, O., Reichtum und Eigentum (note 66 supra), p. 112; Oertel, F., Nachtrag zu R. von Poehlmann, Geschichte der Sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der Antiken Welt (3rd ed. München, 1925), II, 568.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Cf. Bruck, , Mnemosyna Pappulias , p. 67–69 (with many passages, also from the papyri and Justinian's Novels).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ In epist. ad Rom.; Hom. XXI, 2 (Migne, , P.G. LX, 604). Chrysostom refers to II Cor. 9, 7 (In dictum Pauli, ‘oportet haereses esse’, II, 3; Migne, , P.G. LI, 256).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ In epist. ad Rom.; Hom. XIX, 8 (Migne, , P.G. LX, 594).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ In epist. II ad Cor.; Hom. XIII (Migne, , P.G. LXI, 496).Google Scholar

⁹¹ In epist. II ad Thessal. cap. III; Hom. V, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXII, 496).Google Scholar

⁹² In Epist. ad Rom.; Hom. XXI, 2 (Migne, , P.G. LX, 604).Google Scholar

⁹³ In dictum Pauli, ‘oportet haeres. esse’ , II, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LI, 256).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ In epist. ad Rom.; Hom. XXI, 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁹⁶ In dictum Pauli, ‘oportet haeres. esse’ , II, 3.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ In epist. ad Hebr. cap. XII; Hom. XXXII, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXIII, 224); In Matt.; Hom. LII (al. LIII), 3 (Migne, , P.G. LVIII, 522); In acta Apostolor.; Hom. XXI, 4 (Migne, , P.G. LX, 169 f.); De petitione filiorum Zebedaei, contra Anomoeos, VIII, 2 (Migne, , P.G. XLVIII, 770).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ (In epist. II ad Cor.; Hom. XIII).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ In epist. II ad Timoth. cap. II; Hom. VI, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXII, 632); also De verbis Apostoli, ‘habentes eundem spiritum’, III (Migne, , P.G. LI, 299).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ In Matt.; Hom. LXXI (al. LXXII), 4 (Migne, , P.G. LVIII, 666).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ In epist. ad Philipp.; praefatio , 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXII, 181, 182); In epist. ad Hebr. cap. VI; Hom. XV (Migne, , P.G. LXIII, 93).Google Scholar

¹⁰² In epist. II ad Timoth. cap. II; Hom. VI, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXII, 633).Google Scholar

¹⁰³ In Matt.; Hom. LII (al. LIII; Migne, , P.G. LVIII, 524).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ On donations and hospitality in modern Greece cf. the present writer's report on the Third International Meeting of Byzantine scholars in Athens, 1930, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, Rom. Abt. , LI (1931), 601 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Cf. Jörs, P., Geschichte und System des Römischen Privatrechts (Berlin, 1927), p. 170, note 3; Lange, H., Das kausale Moment im Tatbestand der Römischen Eigentumstradition (Leipzig, 1930), p. 35.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Cf. sect. V supra. Google Scholar

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¹¹⁰ This difference does not find adequate expression in Berve, , art. “Liberalitas”, Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswiss. , XIII, 81 ff. In contrast to some literary expressions with reference to liberalitas, which imitated the Greeks, the practice of donations as reflected in the Roman law is not sufficiently considered by Berve.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Bruck, , Mnemosyna Pappulias , p. 79 ff.Google Scholar

¹¹² Cicero, , De legibus , I, 43.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Cf. sect. IV, n. 35 supra.—Cicero's agreement with Aristotle is further shown in their recommendation for the proper size of donations. Compare in this connection Aristotle, Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 12, with Cicero, , De officiis, II, 55.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Aristotle, , Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 3. The quotation is from Odyssey, XVII, 420.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 15.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ De off. II, 57. Cf. Aristotle, , Nic. Eth. IV, 2, 15: “For the magnificent man … spends money … on public objects …”.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Bruck, , Mnemosyna Pappulias , p. 80.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁹ How very rare was genuine liberalitas (that is without selfishness) in reality is also shown by Gellius, , Noctes Atticae , XVII, 5, 4, where a rhetor, a “man of some note” (haud sane ignobilis) discussed: “with what thought and purpose one who acts liberally and kindly is kind and generous” (qua mente quoque consilio benignus liberalisque sit?). “Whether it is because he hopes for a return of the favor, and tries to arouse in the one to whom he is kind a like feeling toward himself, as almost all seem to do” (utrumque, quia mutuam gratiam speret et eum in quem beningus sit ad parem curam sui provocet, quod facere plerique omnes videntur).Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Epist. IX, 30 (written about 108 or 109 A.D.).Google Scholar

¹²¹ Tam rarum est etiam imperfectae liberalitatis exemplar. Google Scholar

¹²² For instance Martial, , Epigrams , IV, 56: “Because you send huge presents to old men and to widows, do you want me, Gargilianus, to call you munificent? There is nothing more sordid …” (Munera quod senibus viduisque ingentia mittis, Vis te munificum, Gargiliane, vocem? Sordidius nihil est …). See also V, 42; VIII, 27.Google Scholar

¹²³ Berve, , art. “Liberalitas”, Realencyclopaedie , XIII, 83.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ De ambitu raro illud datur, ut possis liberalitatem et benignitatem ab ambitu et largitione seiungere.—Cf. Quintilian (first century A.D.) in his Institutio oratoria, VIII, 6, 36: “One man calls certain actions liberal and another prodigal” ( id quod fit alius luxuriam esse dicit, alius liberalitatem ).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cicero, , De off. II, 57.Google Scholar

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¹²⁷ Loening, Edgar, Geschichte des Deutschen Kirchenrechts , I (Strassburg, 1878), 208 ff.; Falco, M., art. “Anima—disposizioni per 1',” Enciclopedia Italiana, III, 365; Bruck, , Studi Riccobono, II, 383.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Cf. Diehl, Charles, Justinien et la civilization byzantine au 6^e siécle (Paris, 1901), pp. 500–518.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ In agreement: Beseler, , Beiträge zur Kritik der römischen Rechtsquellen , III (Tübingen, 1913), 310 (“Erläuterung in byzantinischem Sinne”); Pringsheim, , “Animus donandi”, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, Rom. Abt. XLII (1921), 287 (cf. ibid. L, 421, note 3); Haymann, Franz, “Zur Lex 42 pr. D. de mortis causa donationibus 39, 6”, ibid., XXXVIII (1917), 233). Bruck, , Mnemosyna Pappulias, p. 77, note 41.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Op. cit. , p. 287 ff.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Chrysostomus, , In epist. II. ad. Timoth. cap. II; Hom. VI, 3 (Migne, , P.G. LXII, 632). For further passages see sect. X supra. Google Scholar

¹³² Bruck, , Mnemosyna Pappulias , p. 77, note 41; p. 82, note 62. In agreement: Steinwenter, A., Zeitschr. der Sav.-Stift., LVI (1936), 382; Ed. Volterra, , Studia et documenta historiae et iuris, III (1937), 186 ff. Cf. Dölger, F., Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXV (1935), 507.Google Scholar

¹³³ Theodoros, , to Cod. 2, 18, 1 (Basilica, Suppl. 154, Schol. 1); cf. Pringsheim, , p. 287.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Basilica ed. Heimbach, , IV, 564.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Beck, Alexander, “Christentum und nachklassische Rechtsentwicklung”, Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Diritto Romano (Pavia, 1935), II, 100, note 2 and p. 108). Cf. also Biondi, Biondo, Giustiniano primo principe legislature cattolico (Pubblicazioni della Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, serie seconda, vol. XLVIII, Milano, 1936). These authors, however, do not enter into the problem dealt with in the present study.Google Scholar

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¹³⁹ Cf. for instance Augustine, St., In Psalm. 42, no. 8: Si panem, inquit, dederis tristis, et panem et meritum perdidisti. Cf. Cornely, R., Commentarius in S. Pauli Epistolas, III, 245. See also Seipel, I., Die wirtschaftsethischen Lehren der Kirchenväter (Theologische Studien der Leo-Gesellschaft, XVIII, Wien, 1907), p. 226. —To introduce the precept of a certain attitude of mind into positive civil law would have run counter to Augustine's distinction between ethics and law; see Schilling, Otto, “Die Rechtsphilosophie bei den Kirchenvätern,” Archiv für Rechts-und Wirtschaftsphilosophie, XVI (1922-23), pp. 11 and 16 (with literature).—For a brief mention cf. also Jerome, St., Epist. 118, cap. 5: “For the gift is not measured according to its weight, but according to the giver's attitude of mind”.Google Scholar

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¹⁴¹ Cf. his characteristic saying in Nov. 22, 2, pr.: Secundum antiquam et patriam linguam (with regard to Latin).Google Scholar

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¹⁵² Cf. notes 133, 134, supra. Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Cf. note 139, supra. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Cf., recently, Flade, Gottfried, Vom Einfluss des Christentums auf die Germanen (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Geistesgeschichte, ed. Seeberg, , Holtzmann, , and Weber, , vol. X, Stuttgart, 1936) and the review by Wohlhaupter, E., Ztschr. der. Sav. Stift. Kan. Abt., XXVI (1937), 524.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Cf. Wittmann, Michael, Die Ethik des Heiligen Thomas (1933), p. 356 ff.; Schilling (note 139, supra), p. 5 ff. Compare also Mausbach, J., “Ethik und Recht”, Archiv für Rechts-und Wirtschaftsphilosophie, XVI (1922-23), 76 ff.; Wittmann, Michael, Ethik (1923) p. 64; Tillmann, Fritz, Die katholische Sittenlehre; die Idee der Nachfolge Christi (1934), p. 149 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Cf. Pringsheim, , p. 287. —More recently Bussi, Emilio, “La donazione nel suo svolgimento storico”, in Cristianesimo e Diritto Romano (Pubblicazioni della Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, XLIII, Milano, 1935) p. 224 ff., blended again both types of will, the animus donandi and the concept of liberalitas. He regards both as the result of the same Christian ideas. For criticisms of Bussi, see: Steinwenter, A., Zeitschr. der. Sav. Stift. Rom. Abt. LVI (1936), 382.—See also Siber, H., Römisches Recht, II (1928), 65, note 8: “Liberalitas … ist ein unklares interpoliertes Erfordernis”.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Some authors have doubted that Roman law requires an acceptance by the donee (animus recipiendi). Cf. Perozzi, , Institutioni di diritto romano (2nd ed., Rome, 1928), II, 722. This is, however, immaterial for our present purposes, for we are concerned with the will of the donor (animus donandi) alone.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Rabel, E., “Negotium alienum und animus”, Studi Bonfante (Milano, 1930), IV, 292 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Cf. Paulus, , Dig. 32, 25, 1: Cumin verbis nulla ambiguitas est, non debet admitti voluntatis quaestio. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Pringsheim, , op. cit. p. 273 ff. and Law Quarterly Review , XLIX (1933), 43 ff. Levy, E., Der Hergang der römischen Ehescheidung (1925), 96 ff.; Rabel, , p. 292 ff.; Jörs-Kunkel, , Römisches Recht (2nd ed., 1935) pp. 83, 246. For a somewhat different opinion see Riccobono, S., recently again in “Origine e sviluppo del domma della volontà nel diritto”, Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Diritto Romano I, Roma, (Pavia, 1934), 179 ff., 189 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Cf. sect. X supra. Google Scholar

¹⁶² It would be interesting to follow the later history of causa liberalitatis in medieval and modern law of donations. The strange career of the “cheerful giver” during the centuries following Justinian could well be called the “ghost story” of this concept, to use a term coined by Vinogradoff, Paul Sir ( Roman Law in Medieval Europe , 2nd ed., Oxford, 1929, p. 13) with reference to the survival of Roman Law in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. On the “cheerful giver” in medieval law—especially in the Spanish code, Las Siete Partidas (1265 A.D.) of King Alfonso the Wise—and in modern legislation and jurisprudence, the writer is preparing a separate study.Google Scholar