¹ Cf. Barker, E., Church, State and Study (London, 1930), ch. ii: “The Unity of Mediaeval Civilization”; “Mediaeval Political Thought”, in Social and Political Ideas of Some Great Mediaeval Thinkers , ed. Hearnshaw, F. J. C. (London, 1923), p. 9 ff.; Dawson, C., “Church and State in the Middle Ages,” in Church and State: Cambridge Catholic Summer School Papers, 1935, ed. by Lattey, C., S.J. (London, 1936), p. 56 ff.; The Making of Europe (New York, 1932); Powicke, F. M., The Christian Life in the Middle Ages and Other Essays (Oxford, 1935); Tellenbach, G., Libertas: Kirche und Weltordnung im Zeitalter des Investiturstreites (Stuttgart, 1936).Google Scholar

² Geschichte des Benefizialwesens (Berlin, 1895); Die Eigenkirche als Element des mittelalterlichen Kirchenrechts (Berlin, 1895; English transl. in Barraclough, G., Mediaeval Germany 911-1250: Studies by German Historians [Oxford, 1938], II, 35-70); “Eigenkirche, Eigenkloster,” in Herzog-Hauck, , Realencyclopädie, 23 (1913), 363 ff.Google Scholar

³ Lesne, E., Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France , II, 1, 2, 3 (Lille, 1922-28); Pöschl, A., Bischofsgut und Mensa Episcopalis (Bonn, 1908 ff.); “Kirchengutsveräusserungen und das kirchlichen Veräusserungsverbot im früheren Mittelalter,” Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht, 105 (1925), 3-96; 349-448; Imbart de la Tour, Les paroisses rurales du IVe au XIe siècle (Paris, 1900); Thomas, P., Le droit de propriété des laïques sur les églises et le patronage laïque au moyen-âge (Paris, 1906).Google Scholar

⁴ Cf. ancient canons and documents gathered by Cardinal Deusdedit in his Collectio canonum , ed. by von Glanvell, Wolf (Paderborn, 1905), Book III.Google Scholar

⁵ Jordan, Karl, “Zur päpstliche Finanzgeschichte im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken , 25 (1933-34), 61–104; Schneider, W., Papst Gregor VII und das Kirchengut (Diss. Greifswald, 1919); Ficker, J., Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, II (Innsbruck, 1869), ch. xxviii: “Die Rekuperationen der römischen Kirche.” For a glimpse into the impoverished state of the Roman See at the accession of Leo IX, cf. his appeal to Emperor Constantine Monomachus in Mansi, , Concilia, XIX, 669; Epistles 59, 62 in P. L. 143: 676, 679; Wibert, , Vita Leonis IX, in Watterich, , Vitae Pont. Roman., I (Leipzig, 1862), 153.Google Scholar

⁶ A fuller study of this phase by the author awaits a more propitious moment than the present for publication.Google Scholar

⁷ The monk Donizo's metrical Vita Mathildis is, despite its chronological flaws and panegyrical character, our best contemporary source for the history of the “great Countess”. Ed. by Bethmann, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores , XII, 348 ff.; and translated into Italian with critical commentary by Grimaldi, N.: Donizone il cantore di Matilde e dei principi Canusini (Reggio Emilia, 1928). Cf. Grimaldi, , La Contessa Matilde e la sua stirpe feudale (Florence, 1928); Tondelli, L., Matilda di Canossa (Reggio, 1925); Tosti, L., La Contessa Matilde e i romani pontefici (Florence, 1859); Fiorentini, F. M., Memorie della gran Contessa Matilda, 2nd ed. by Mansi, G. D. (Lucca, 1756); the best in English is Nora Duff's Matilda of Tuscany (New York, 1910).Google Scholar

⁸ Ekkehardi Chronicon, a. 1115, M.G.H., SS. VI, 249: “Qua (Matilda) nimirum femina sicut nemo nostris in temporibus ditior ac famosior, ita nemo virtutibus … insignior.” Burchardi et Cuonradi Uspergensium Chronicon, M.G.H., SS. XXIII, 341, 350; Lambert of Hersfeld, Annales , a. 1076 (ed. Holder-Egger, , Hanover, 1894), p. 288; Donizo, , Vita, I, c.9.Google Scholar

⁹ On the whole question of the territorial possessions of the lords of Canossa, the classic work still is Overmann, A., Gräfin Mathilda von Tuscien. Ihre Besitzungen (Innsbruck, 1895). Cf. also Falce, A., Bonifacio di Canossa, 2 vols. (Reggio, 1926-27), esp. vol. II: Regesto; and Documenti inediti dei duchi e marchesi di Tuscia, secoli VII-XII (Florence, 1929); Muratori, , Antiquitates Italicae, III (Milan, 1740), col. 183: “Notitia castellorum, plebum, aliorumque jurium, quae Bonifacius Dux … receperat in Feudum, vel Emphyteusim ab Episcopis Regiensibus, conscripta c. a. 1070.” Bresslau, H., Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Konrad II, I (Leipzig, 1879), Exkurs IV.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Overmann, , op. cit. , p. 40; Bresslau, , op. cit., p. 438; Falce, , op. cit., I, ch. v.Google Scholar

¹¹ Overmann, , op. cit. , p. 37 ff.Google Scholar

¹² Cf. Wedemann, M., Gottfried der Bärtige. Seine Stellung zum fränkischen Kaiserhause und zur römischen Curie (Diss. Leipzig, 1876); Dupréel, E., Histoire critique de Gotefroid le Barbu (Brussels, 1904).Google Scholar

¹³ Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum , ed. Jaffé, , Bibl. Rer. Germ. II (Berlin, 1865), p. 590; Chronicon Wirziburgense, a. 1055, M.G.H., SS. VI, 197; cf. Parisot, R., Histoire de Lorraine, I (Paris, 1919), 197 ff.; Steindorff, E., Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Heinrich III, II, 273 f., 303 f.; Meyer von Knonau, E., Jahrbücher … Heinrich IV. u. Heinrich V, I, 24 f.; Grimaldi, , La Contessa Matilde, ch. v.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cf. Gregory's VII's letter to the younger Godfrey reproaching him for defaulting in his promise to send armed help: Registrum , I, 72 (ed. Caspar, E., p. 103 f.).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cf. Gregory's letters to Beatrice and Matilda: Reg., I, 11, 25, 40; Tondelli, , op. cit. , p. 42 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Lambert of Hersfeld, Annales , a. 1076, p. 288: “… ubicumque opera ejus papa indiguisset, ocius aderat et tamquam patri vel domino sedulum exhibebat officium.” Donizo. Vita, II, c. 2:Google Scholar

(v. 300) Sicque Deo multum generabat credula fructum,Google Scholar

Gregorio papae proceres servire suadens.Google Scholar

Mittere cui gratis crebro solet in Lateranis Google Scholar

Xenia multa nimis, quam papa pie benedicit.Google Scholar

Biscentum libras domus argenti Canusina Google Scholar

Tunc misit papae, quam debet papa beare.Google Scholar

(v. 260) Adversus binos … inimicos (Henry and Wibert) Google Scholar

Arma, voluntatem, famulos, gazam propriamque Google Scholar

Excitat, expendit, instigat, proelia gessit.Google Scholar

¹⁷ This we have from a memorandum prefixed by a contemporary hand to the Codex Vat. Lat. 4922, and reproduced in a foot-note to the word “Biscentum” in Bethmann's edition of Donizo's, Vita: M.G.H., SS. XII, 385 f.; cf. v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., III, p. 454. To this requisitioning of sacred treasures Benzo of Alba refers in his disparaging way in Ad Heinricum Imp., lib. VI: M.G.H., SS. XI, 663: “Facie exterminati nudant monasteria, Hii (Matilda and Amselm) Prandello (Gregory VII) tradunt opes, se velant miseria.” Google Scholar

¹⁸ For the text of the “conventus Romanus” cf. Watterich, , Vitae , I, p. 452. The grounds for the adverse decision of the council were that “sacras res ecclesiarum nullatenus in militia saeculari exponendas, nisi in alimonia pauperum, in sancto usu rerum divinarum et in redemptione captivorum….” On which the editor aptly comments: “Quasi vero ecclesia ab imperatore undique impugnata et spoliata, ne paupertatis quidem nomine digna esset solatio.” Cf. v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., III, p. 452 f.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Donizo, , Vita , II, c. 1, vv. 173 ff. Text of the renewed donation, in Liber Censuum , ed. Fabre-Duchesne, , I, 379-80; Theiner, , Codex Diplomaticus … Sanctae Sedis, I, no. 10; M.G.H., Const. I, 654 f. Cf. Pannenborg, A., Studien zur Geschichte der Herzogin Mathilde von Canossa (Göttingen, 1872), p. 31 ff.— Scheffer-Boichorst, P., “Zu den mathildischen Schenkungen,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 9 (1888), 177 ff.; 11 (1890), 119 ff. and Overmann, , op. cit. (Regesten, nos. 35, 75, and p. 239) have set aside all doubt regarding the authenticity of Matilda's first donation.Google Scholar

²⁰ Donizo, , II, c. 18; Scheffer-Boichorst, , op. cit., pp. 177 ff., 184; Overmann, , op. cit., p. 45 ff.; Tondelli, , Matilda di Canossa, ch. xii.Google Scholar

²¹ Overmann, , p. 41 ff.Google Scholar

²² Lib. II, c. 2 Lib. II, c. 2:Google Scholar

(v. 270) Catholicis prorsus fuit haec tutus quasi portus;Google Scholar

Nam quos dampnabat rex, pellebat, spoliabat Google Scholar

Pontifices, monachos, clericos, Italos quoque Gallos,Google Scholar

Ad vivum fontem currebant funditus omnes…. Google Scholar

(v. 275) Quaequae requirebant, apud ipsam repperiebant … Google Scholar

(v. 277) Non ab ea mestus si quis vir venit honestus,Google Scholar

Unquam preteriit, sed consolatus abivit.Google Scholar

Vestibus e sacris multos haec nota ducatrix Google Scholar

Patres catholicos vestisse quidem reminiscor.Google Scholar

²³ Bonifacio di Canossa, II: Regesto.Google Scholar

²⁴ Gräfin Mathilda : Regesten, , pp. 123–190.Google Scholar

²⁵ Falce's, Regesto , no. 25. In the Regesto are also noted: the penance imposed on Boniface by the abbot of Pomposa for his simoniac traffickings (no. 46); an appeal from Peter Damian that he spare the churches (no. 53); and Boniface's vow to make a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in expiation for his sins, especially those of simony (no. 75).Google Scholar

²⁶ The compensation to St. Apollonius of Canossa is recorded in the same memorandum that tells us of the melting down of its treasures (cf. supra); for the restoration of its sacred plate, the abbey of Nonantula later received from Matilda two castles and one grange with all their appurtenances. Cf. Overmann, , op. cit., Regesten, no. 78.Google Scholar

²⁷ Bernold of Constance, Chronicon, a. 1083, M.G.H., SS. V, 443; Cf. Bardo, , Vita Anselmi Lucensis Episcopi , cc. 21, 24, M.G.H., SS. XII, 20 f.; Benzo of Alba, Ad Heinricum IV, ibid. XI, 672: “Monachi et mulierculae cogunt in fugam praesules.” v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., IV, 74; V, 11 ff.Google Scholar

²⁸ v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit. , III, 402 f.Google Scholar

²⁹ Annales Romani, M.G.H., SS. V, 470: “Tunc cum quingentis equitibus et cum magna pecunia ceperunt Romanum iter …”; Benzo, , Ad Heinricum IV, M.G.H., SS. XI, 671; Delarc, O., “Pontificat de Nicolas II,” Revue des questions historiques, 40 (1886), 341 ff.; v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., pp. 125 ff., 150 ff.Google Scholar

³⁰ Bonizo, , Liber ad amicum , lib. VI, in Jaffé, , Bibl. II, 646; Delarc, , “Pontificat d'Alexandre II,” Rev. quest. hist., 43 (1888), 5 ff.Google Scholar

³¹ Leo of Ostia, , Chronicon Monasterii Casinensis , III, c. 23, M.G.H., SS. VII, 714; Amatus of Monte Cassino, L'ystoire de li Normant, VI, c. 10, ed. Figéac, (Paris, 1835); Bonizo, , ibid. p. 652 f.; v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., I, 549 ff., Delarc, , Les Normands en Italie (Paris, 1883), p. 529 ff.Google Scholar

³² Lambert of Hersfeld, Annales, a. 1076-1077, pp. 253 ff., 273 ff., 290 ff.; Gregory VII, Registrum , III, 10a; IV, 1, 2, 12a. Cf. Predeek, A., Papst Gregor VII, König Heinrich IV und die deutschen Fürsten im Investiturstreit (Diss. Münster, 1907); Fliche, A., La réforme grégorienne, II (Louvain-Paris, 1926).Google Scholar

³³ Gregory, VII, Registrum , IV, 12 ff. to V, 1, 2; Grimaldi, , La Contessa Matilde, p. 287 ff.Google Scholar

³⁴ Gregory, VII, Registrum , VII, 14a.Google Scholar

³⁵ Bernold of Constance, Chronicon , a. 1080, M.G.H., SS. V, 436; Annales Augustanae, a. 1080, ibid., III, 130; Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronicon, a. 1079, ibid., VI, 364; Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, a. 1079, ibid. VIII, 659-60; Fliche, , op. cit., p. 382 ff.; Kehr, P., “Zur Geschichte Wiberts von Ravemia (Clemens III)”, Sitzungsberichte d. Preuss. Akad. Wiss., Phil-Hist. Kl., 54 (1921), 355 ff., 973 ff.Google Scholar

³⁶ Overmann, , op. cit. , Beilage III: “Die Ächtung der Gräfin Mathilde”; Grimaldi, , op. cit., p. 304 ff.; Sancti Anselmi Lucensis Vita , ed. de la Fuente, V. (Madrid, 1870), p. 165.Google Scholar

³⁷ Donizo, , II, cc. 2, 3; Bardo, , Vita Anselmi, cc. 23, 24, M.G.H., SS. XII, 20; Bernold, , Chronicon, a. 1084, ibid., V, 441.Google Scholar

^37a Delarc, O., “Saint Grégoire VII: dernières années de son pontificat,” Rev. quest. hist. , 38 (1885), 5 ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ “Sola enim tunc temporis inventa est inter feminas, quae regis potentiam aspernata sit, quae calliditatibus ejus et potentiae etiam bellico certamine obviaverit, ut merito nominetur virago, quae virtute animi etiam viros praeibat … Quae enim ut haec pro Romana decertavit ecclesia? Quot et quanta passa est ut illa libertate frueretur?” Thus Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, a. 1084, lib. II, M.G.H., SS. VIII, 462. The same chronicler reproduces the text of an open letter which Matilda despatched immediately after Gregory's death to the German people informing them that the king (“Barrabas latro”) has stolen the papal seal, and warning them against false rumors he may spread about: “Valete et de insidiis Heinrici cauti estote.” Ibid. , p. 463.Google Scholar

³⁹ For the election and consecration of Victor III in Rome and the part played by Matilda, our most detailed source of information is Peter the Deacon (continuing the work of Leo of Ostia or Marsicanus) in Chronicon Monasterii Casinensis , III, c. 65-72: M.G.H., SS. VII, 747 ff. There are also the briefer notices of other chroniclers such as Bernold (a. 1087), Hugh of Flavigny (lib. II, a. 1087). Cf. Fliche, , “Le pontificat de Victor III,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, 20 (1924), 384 ff.; Réforme grégorienne, III, 205 ff., 306 ff.; Hirsch, F., “Desiderius von Monte Cassino als Papst Victor III,” Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte (1867), 1 ff.; v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., IV, 183 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Urban's letters announcing his election to the bishops of Germany and abbot Hugh of Cluny (P. L. 151: 283, 284) and Peter the Deacon (Chron. Mon. Casin., IV, c. 2) give the fullest account. Cf. Fliche, , “L'élection d'Urbain II,” Moyen Age , 2nd Ser. 19 (1916), 356 ff.; Réforme grégorienne, III, ch. iv.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Letter of Urban to the bishops and faithful announcing his victory over Wibert of Ravenna, first published by Kehr, P.: “Due documenti pontifici illustranti la storia di Roma negli ultimi anni del secolo XI,” Archivio della Reale Società Romana di Storia Patria , 23 (1900), 277 ff.Google Scholar

⁴² Bernold, , Chronicon , a. 1089, M.G.H., SS. V, 449; Grimaldi, , op. cit., p. 238 ff.; Tondelli, , op. cit., p. 105 ff.; Overmann, , op. cit., Beilage V: “Die beiden Ehen der Grafin Mathilde.” Google Scholar

⁴³ For Matilda's second war with Henry, 1090-1097, the eye-witness Donizo is the main source: Vita, II, c. 4-9; supplemented by Bernold's, Chronicon , a. 1090-1095. Cf. Overmann, , op. cit., Regesten: a. 1092 ff.; Tondelli, , op. cit., p. 112 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Donizo, , II, c. 7.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Donizo, , II, Introd., cc. 3, 10; Bardo, , Vita Anselmi Lucensis, c. 7, M.G.H., SS. XII, 15; Tondelli, , op. cit., p. 23 f.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Donizo, , II, c. 7.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Donizo, , II, c. 8; Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire des conciles , V, i. (Paris, 1912), 447 ff.; Chalandon, F., Histoire de la première croisade (Paris, 1926); Bréhier, L., Les Croisades (Paris, 1928), ch. iv.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Urban II to Hugh, archbishop of Lyons, Ep. 216 (P. L., 151: 489): “De statu nostro nobiscum Deo gratias age, quia usque ad urbem cum comitissa Mathilda pacifice venimus, urbem honestissime … introivimus; urbem ipsam majore ex parte habemus, synodum Laterani solemniter celebravimus.” Fulcher of Chartres, in Historiae Francorum Scriptores , ed. Duchesne, A., IV (Paris, 1649), 820: “Urbanus eo anno (1097), totam omnino potestatem apostolicam adeptus est, auxilio cujusdam nobilissimae matronae Mathildis nomine, quae in Romana patria tunc potestate multa vigebat.” Cf. v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., V, 11 f.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Significant in this connection is the statement of Lupus Protospatarius, chronicler of the South: “Et dux Robertus … perrexit Romam ferens auxilium papae Gregorio cum jam rex in partibus moraretur Liguriae, ad debellandum Mathildae provinciam quae cum papa tenebat Gregorio:” Chronicon, a. 1082, M.G.H., SS. V, 61.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ Fedele, , “Sull'origine dei Frangipane,” Archivio della R. Società Romana , 33 (1910), 493 ff.Google Scholar

⁵² Fedele, , “Carte del monasterio dei SS. Cosma e Damiano in Mica Aurea”, ibid. , 22 (1899), Doc. 56, p. 97.Google Scholar

⁵³ Annales Romani, M.G.H., SS. V, 471; Liber Pontificalis , ed. Duchesne, , II (Paris, 1892), 334.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Il Regesto di Farfa di Gregorio di Catina , edd. Giorgi, and Balzani, , IV (Rome, 1888), 302.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Benzo, , Ad Heinricum IV , II, 614; Annales Romani, p. 472.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ “Gregor VII, jüdischer Herkunft?”, Neues Archiv , 31 (1906), 159 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Op. cit. , p. 27 f.: i.e. the failure of contemporary enemies to cast his Jewish origin up to him.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Hugh of Cluny, M.G.H., SS. X, 474: “… homuncio valde despicabilis parentelae exilis staturae.” Annalista Saxo, M.G.H., SS. VI, 1032; Caro, , op. cit., p. 205; Fedele, , “Le famiglie di Anacleto II e di Gelasio II”, p. 407.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Chronicon Mauriniacense, M.G.H., SS. XXVI, 39 f.; Beno, , Gesta Romanae ecclesiae, II, c. 9, M.G.H., Libelli de lite, II, 379; Caro, , op. cit., p. 204 f.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Catalogus Zwetlensis , in Watterich, , Vitae , I, 714: “dives in hereditate et mobilibus.” Bonizo, , Ad amicum, lib. V, ed. Jaffé, , Bibl. II, 628.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Beno, Cardinal, l. c., states that when Leo IX made him custodian of the altar of St. Peter, Hildebrand “in brevi loculos implevit et cui pecuniam illam committeret filium cujusdam Judaei noviter quidem baptizatum (i.e. Benedict the Christian), sed mores nummulariorum adhuc retinentem, familiarem sibi fecit.” The same Beno also declares, on probable grounds, that “defuncto autem in exilio sexto illo Gregorio, Hildebrandus … pecuniae ejus heres extitit.” Ibid. c. 8, p. 378.Google Scholar

⁶² Chron. Mon. Casin., III, c. 12, M.G.H., SS. VII, 704-705; Bonizo, , Ad amicum , VI, 642; Benzo of Alba, Ad Heinricum IV, VII, c. 2, M.G.H., S S. XI, 671 f.Google Scholar

⁶³ Annales Romani, ibid. V, 470.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid.: “Tunc Ildibrandus hoc audito (i.e. the doings of the antipope) paululum in itinere substitit, et misit pecunyam a comite de Benedicto Christiano, … et divisus est Romanum populum … Tunc Transtiberini miserunt legatos dicto Ildibrando … ut cum festinatione cum suo electo Transtiberim pergerent; quod et factum est…. Ad ultimum superati sunt qui ex parte Benedicti pontifici erant …” Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid.: “Tunc Ildibrandus … perrexit in Apulea (rather Aversa) ad Riczardum Agarenorum comitem … Tunc dictus princeps misit tres comites … cum trecentis militibus Agarenorum in auxilium Nycolay pontifici.” Cf. v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., I, 125 ff., 150 ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Annales Romani , p. 472: “Tunc illi qui erant ex parte Alexandri, ceperunt pugnare cum comite Pepo et aliis comitibus qui erant cum dicto Cadolo … Leo vero de Benedicto Christiano cum dicto Ildibrando … erant ex parte Alexandri.”—These were repulsed by the forces of the anti-pope. “Tunc Ildibrandus cum Leo, data pecunia per urbem tota nocte illa; mane autem facto non potuerunt ad … basilicam pergere. Unde infra civitatem multae pugnae et homicidia … Postea vero pecunia deficiente … Cadolus … reversus est in Parma. Et congregata pecunia, reversus est Rome; set nichil ey profuit: demum regressus est in Parma, ibique mortuus est.”— Benzo, , Ad Heinricum IV, VII, c. 4: “… ‘Per tria movetur terra, et quartum non potest sustinere’ (Prov. XXX, 21). De tribus est unus Leo Judaeus, alter Anseimus Pharisaeus (Alexander), tercius falsa cuculla Dohech Idumeus (Hildebrand). Quartum Nomannus, factus de plebe tyrannus.” Cf. cc. 6, 8, 9.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Liber Pontificalis , ed. Duchesne, , II, 336; Chronicon Mauriniacense, M.G.H., SS. XXVI, 39-40: “Hic vir quia scientissimus erat, in curia Romana magnificus effectus … (Leo) genuit filium nomine Petrum, magne famae magnaeque potentiae post futurum. Ea tempestate inter regem … et ecclesiam Romanam illa turbulentissima de investituris orta est seditio. In qua vir ille tantum armis strenuus, consilio providus et ecclesiae Romanae fidelis extitit etc.” Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Caro, , op. cit., p. 204 f.; Tangl, , Neues Archiv , 31 (1906), 164 f.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Wido of Ferrara, De scismate Hildebrandi, lib. II, M.G.H., SS. XII, 165.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Annales Pegavienses, M.G.H., SS. XVI, 238; Ekkehard, , Chronicon, a. 1081, 1083, M.G.H., SS. VIII, 204 f.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Liber Pontificalis , II, 311: “Ecce domnus Urbanus … in tantum miseriarum per Gibertum astrictus quod … a quodam famosissimo viro atque illustri Petro Leonis Rome in insula Licaonia, intra duos egregi Tyberis pontes, vix ab inimicorum insidiis sustentatus, matronarum Romanarum et aliquando muliercularum pauperum elemosinis regebatur.” Bernold, , Chronicon, a. 1089. Cf. v. Knonau, Meyer, op. cit., IV 202.Google Scholar

⁷² While the Wibertines held the Leonine City and the Lateran, Pierleone shielded the Pope in his fortified house near Santa Maria Nuova. It was here that Geoffrey, abbot of Vendôme, found him in financial distress and helped him with funds to recover the Lateran. Cf. Geoffrey, , Epp. lib. I, 8 in P. L. 157: 47; and Bernold, , Chronicon, a. 1094.Google Scholar

⁷³ Bernold, , a. 1099; Catalogus Cencii, M.G.H., SS. XXIV, 106; Otto of Freising, Chronicon, lib. VII, c. 6, M.G.H., SS. XX, 251.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Liber Pontificalis , II, 294: “Qui Christi confessor … in domo Petri Leonis IIII Kl. Aug. animam Deo reddidit; atque per Transtiberim propter insidias inimicorum in ecclesia sancti Petri … corpus ejus delatum est….” Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid. , p. 299: “… in Apuliam transire disposuerat. Ob hoc accitis fidelibus … Petro Leonis et Leoni Frangepanis Urbem et urbana … tuenda commisit.” Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Liber Censuum , ed. Fabre-Duchesne, , I, 407.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ibid. , p. 407 f.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid. , p. 409; M.G.H., Const. I, 137 ff.; Annales Romani M.G.H., SS. V, 472 ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Pisanus, Pandulfus, Vita Gelasii , in L. P. , II, 313. Cf. Gregorovius, F., Rome in the Middle Ages, IV, 378 ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Annales Romani , p. 479; L. P., II, 347: “(Burdinus) … basilicam sancti Petri (and also Sant'Angelo) suis reliquit fidelibus custodiendam … Illi vero … accepta pecunia tradiderunt eam Petro Leonis qui fidelis erat Calixti pape cum omnibus ejus munitionibus … Non multo post perrexit (Calixtus) cum magno exercitu in civitatem Sutrinam, ubi dictus Gregorius, qui dicebatur Burdinus manebat. Octavo vero die illius obsidionis dicti Sutrini dederunt eum in potestate Calixti et Romanorum.” Cf. Gregorovius, , op. cit., IV, 390 ff.Google Scholar