¹ On the background and politics of the opening of the tomb, see Bailey, Richard N., ‘St Cuthbert’s Relics: Some Neglected Evidence’, in Bonner, Gerald, Rollason, David and Stancliffe, Clare, eds, St Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200 (Woodbridge, 1989), 231–46.Google Scholar

² Braun, Joseph, Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident mid Orient: Nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung und Symbolik (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), 110, 532, 596CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Plenderleith, Elizabeth, Hohler, Christopher and Freyhan, R., ‘The Stole and Maniples’, in Battiscombe, C. F., ed., The Relics of Saint Cuthbert (Oxford, 1956), 375–432 Google Scholar; Dodwell, C. R., Anglo-Saxon Art: A New Perspective (Ithaca, NY, 1982), 186Google Scholar; Ivy, Jill, Embroideries at Durham Cathedral (Durham, 1992), 7–17 Google Scholar; Muthesius, Anna, Byzantine Silk Weaving AD 400 to AD 1200 (Vienna, 1997), 59, 177–8 Google Scholar; Coatsworth, Elizabeth, ‘The Embroideries from the Tomb of St Cuthbert’, in Higham, N.J. and Hill, D. H., eds, Edward the Elder 899–924 (London, 2001), 292–306.Google Scholar

³ An approach also taken by Smith, Mary Frances, Fleming, Robin and Halpin, Patricia, ‘Court and Piety in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, CathHR 87 (2001), 569–602.Google Scholar

⁴ Colgrave, B., ‘St. Cuthbert and His Times’, in Battiscombe, , ed., Relics, 115–43 Google Scholar, esp. 122–39.

⁵ On the various recognitions, see Battiscombe, C. F., ‘Introduction’, in idem, ed., Relics, 1–1 Google Scholar. In addition to depositing the vestments, Æthelstan had a testamentum placed within the coffin beside the saint’s head. The document gives a complete list of the gifts offered by the king. There is also some evidence for a movement of Cuthbert to Norham in the early ninth century: Historia de Sancto Cuthberto: A History of Saint Cuthbert and a Record of His Patrimony, ed. Ted Johnson South (Cambridge, 2002), 48–9, 58–9, 64–7, 84–5, 96–101, 108–9.

⁶ I use here the dates given by Sheila Sharp for Ælfflaed’s marriage to Edward (after the death of his father Alfred in 899) and for when the king probably put her aside (917 or 918) in order to marry Eadgifu: ‘The West Saxon Tradition of Dynastic Marriage’, in Higham and Hill, eds, Edward the Elder, 79–88, at 82.

⁷ Plenderleith, Hohler and Freyhan, ‘Stole and Maniples’, 375; Ivy, Embroideries, 7, 9 (figs 4–5).

⁸ Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus, no. 35 (MGH Epp. Sel. 1, 60); Epistolae Karolini Aevi tomus II, no. 84 (MGH Epp. 4, 127).

⁹ ‘In hoc corpus meum reponite, involuentes in sindone quam invenietis istic. Nolui quidem ea vivens indui, sed pro amore dilectae Deo feminae, quae hanc michi misit. Vercae videlicet abbatissae ad obvoluendum corpus meum reservare curavi’: Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert:A Life by an Anonymous Monk of Lindisfarne and Bede’s Prose Life, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge, 1940), 272–3. Aristocratic Anglo-Saxon women were notably generous in this regard: see Smith, Fleming and Halpin, ‘Court and Piety’, 591–2; Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art, 179–80, 182, 185. And Anglo-Saxon elite culture notably valued precious textiles: Campbell, J., ‘Elements in the Background to the Life of St Cuthbert and his Early Cult’, in Bonner, , Rollason and Stancliffe, eds, St Cuthbert, 3–19, esp. 9.Google Scholar

¹⁰ ‘Sancto et domino meo pontifici, qui mihi indigno digne successerit, licet omnia in sua potestate sint, tamen si iubet et dignum ducit, vestimenta paschalia, quae mihi data sunt, omnia illi serviant, simul cum casula villosa meliore et tunica vel guanape quod melius dimisero. Reliqua vero vestimenta mea excepto birro auricularii mei tarn clerici quam laici cum gratia et ordinatione domini episcopi sibi ipso iubente immo donante dividant’: Sancti Caesarii Arelatensis Opera Omnia, ed. G. Morin, 2 vols (Maredsous, 1937, 1942), 2: 284–5; PL 67, 1140A; ET Caesarius of Aries: Life, Testament, Letters, trans. Klingshirn, William E., Translated Texts for Historians 19 (Liverpool, 1994), 72.Google Scholar

¹¹ Councils and Synods with other Documents relating to the English Church, 1, A.D. 871–1204, ed. Whitelock, D., Brett, M. and Brooke, C. N. L. (Oxford, 1981)Google Scholar, part I (871–1066), 81, 385–6.

¹² Cabral, Fernand and Leclercq, Henri, eds, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, 15 vols (Paris, 1907-53)Google Scholar, s.vv. ‘étole’, ‘manipule’; Braun, Joseph, Die liturgischen Paramente in Gegenwart und Vergangenheit: Ein Handbuch der Paramentik (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1924), 81–4, 127–35Google Scholar; Duchesne, Louis, Christian Worship: Its Origin and Evolution, trans. McClure, M. L., 5th edn (London, 1956), 390–4 Google Scholar; Braun, , Die liturgiche Gewandung, 101–17, 515–620 Google Scholar; Mayo, Janet, A History of Ecclesiastical Dress (New York, 1984), 16, 177Google Scholar; Reynolds, Roger, ‘Clerical Liturgical Vestments and Liturgical Colors’, item VI in idem, Clerics in the Early Middle Ages: Hierarchy and Image (Aldershot, 1999), 2–4.Google Scholar

¹³ Braun, Die liturgischen Paramente, 127–34; Mayo, Ecclesiastical Dress, 16, 177; Reynolds, ‘Clerical Vestments’. 3-4.

¹⁴ See, e.g., Hrabanus Maurus, De institutione dericorum libri tres 1.17; cd. Detlev Zimpel, Freiburger Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte, Studien und Texte 7 (Frankfurt, 1996), 310. Vesting prayers will be discussed fully in my book on clerical clothing, but a common form for the cincture is: ‘Ad zonam. Pracinge, Domine, cingulo fidei et virtute castitatis lumbos mei cordis et corporis, et exsiecando extingue in eis humorem libidinis, ut jugiter in cis sit honor tortus castitatis’: Martène, Edmund, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus libri tres, 4 vols (Antwerp, 1763-4)Google Scholar, 1: 190 (Troyes): cf. 192 (Tours), 194 (Rgeac-Moissac).

¹⁵ Battiscombe, ‘Introduction’, 33: Ivy, Embroideries, 7; Coatsworth, ‘Embroideries from the Tomb’, 296. I thank Sarah Foot for her observation that the vestments may have been completed after King Edward repudiated Ælfflaed to marry his third wife, Eadgifu. and thus came into die royal treasury instead of being given to Frithelstan or the see of Winchester; see her forthcoming book in Yale's English Monarchs series, Æthdstan (New Haven, CT, 2011).

¹⁶ Ivy, Embroideries, 10; Plenderleith, Hohler and Freyhan, ‘Stole and Maniples’. 376-91.

¹⁷ Ibid. 375; Ivy, Embroideries, 8.

¹⁸ Plenderleith, Hohler and Freyhan, ‘Stole and Maniples’, 400.

¹⁹ Ibid. 398–408; Ivy, Embroideries, 13.

²⁰ Ibid. 17; Plenderleith, Hohler and Freyhan, ‘Stole and Maniples,’ 388–91. Elizabeth Coatsworth noted that while the stole and maniple were clearly made for ecclesiastical use, this cincture or girdle could have been a piece of secular dress adapted to liturgical uses:‘Embroideries from the Tomb’, 302–5.

²¹ Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art, 170—87.

²² The complexity of liturgical development became evident in the first half of the twentieth century as Michel Andrieu and others worked on the Ordines Romani. Key essays in describing the complex patterns of exchange that came out of this manuscript work are: Cyrille Vogel, ‘Les échanges liturgiques entre Rome et les pays francs jusqu’à l’époque de Charlemagne’, in Le chiese nei regni dell’Europa occidentale e i loro rapporti con Roma sino all’800, 2 vols, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo 7 (Spoleto, 1960), 1: 185–295; and Niels Krogh Rasmussen, ‘Célébration épiscopale et célébration presbytérale: Un Essai de typologie’, in Segni e riti nella chiesa altomedievale occidentale, 11—17 aprile 1985, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo 33 (Spoleto, 1987), 581–607. Examples of recent work emphasizing local traditions include: Baroffio, Giacomo, ‘I manoscritti liturgici italiani tra identità universale e particolarismi locali’, in Gensini, Sergio, ed., Vita religiosa e identità politiche. Universalità e particolarismi nell’Europa del tardo medioevo (San Miniato, 1998), 449–64 Google Scholar; Claussen, M. A., The Reform of the Frankish Church: Chrodegang of Metz and the Regula canonicorum in the Eighth Century (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar; Hen, Yitzhak, ‘The Recycling of Liturgy under Pippin III and Charlemagne’, in Claassens, Geert H. M. and Verbeke, Werner, eds, Medieval Manuscripts in Transition: Tradition and Creative Recycling (Leuven, 2006), 149–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³ Ivy, Embroideries, 12; on Anglo-Saxon contacts with the Eternal City, see Moore, W. J., ‘Die Saxon Pilgrims to Rome and the Schola Saxonum (Fribourg, 1937)Google Scholar; and Birch, D. J., Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle Ages: Continuity and Change (Woodbridge, 1998)Google Scholar. My thanks again to Sarah Foot for suggesting these sources. Freyhan argued for Byzantine sources in his contribution to ‘Stole and Maniples’, 409–23. This is a possible connection worth pursuing; see Woodfin, Warren T., ‘Presents Given and Presence Subverted: The Cunegunda Chormantel in Bamberg and the Ideology of Byzantine Textiles’, Gesta 47 (2008), 33–50 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Leyser, Karl, ‘The Tenth Century in Byzantine-Western Relationships’, in Baker, Derek, ed., Relations Between East and West in the Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1973), 29–63 Google Scholar, esp. 42–4.

²⁴ The lists are so lengthy and detailed that Paolo Delogu did an economic study of them, complete with bar-graphs of import rates over the ninth century: ‘L’importazione di tessuti preziosi e il sistema economico romano nel IX secolo’, in idem, ed., Roma medievale — aggiornamenti (Florence, 1998), 123–41. The Liber pontificalis also gives evidence of silk patterns much more elaborate than those used later in vestments, such as the chrysoclaba that had biblical scenes and images of Christ, the Apostles and angels woven into them. Two precious examples of these, depicting the Annunciation and the Nativity, survive from the Sancta Sanctorum (now in the Vatican Museums): Muthesius, Byzantine Silk Weaving, 175, entry M35 and plates 20A-B.

²⁵ The vestes listed in the Liber are Vestes altaris: Le Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, Louis, 2nd edn, with additions and corrections by Vogel, Cyrille, 3 vols (Paris, 1955—57), 1: 418–19, 421, 432, 435, 500Google Scholar; 2: 2–3, 8–11; Osborne, John, ‘Textiles and their Painted Imitations in Early Medieval Rome’, Papers of the British School at Rome 60 (1992), 312–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁶ Valentini, Roberto and Zucchetti, Giuseppe, eds, Codice topografico dela città di Roma, 4 vols, Fonti per la storia d’Italia 81, 88, 90, 91 (Rome, 1940-53), 3: 349, 352.Google Scholar

²⁷ Romano, Serena, La pittura medievale a Roma 312–1431, 4. Riforma e tradizione 1050–11098 (Milan, 2006), 50, 139, 308-9.Google Scholar

²⁸ Lehmann-Brockhaus, Otto, Lateinische Schriftquellen zur Kunst in England, Wales una Schottland vom Jahre 901 bis zum jahre 1307, 5 vols (Munich, 1955-60), 3: 354–410 Google Scholar, gives no early entries from inventories; the textual evidence for textiles is predominantly from chronicles, saints’ lives and charters, with very few references before the eleventh century. For the Continent, and this specific inventory from Ghent, see Bischoff, Bernhard, ed., Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, Erster Teil: Von der Zeit Karls des Groβen bis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1967), 38.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid. 83 (Regensburg, St Emmeram, 993), 120 (Passau, 903, Pfävers, 974), 124–5 (Freising, 957–94).

³⁰ ‘totum apparatum suum, id est sicut ipse paratus ad missam solitus fuerat stare, pluviale purpureum auro paratum, casulam purpuream siricam de sirico precioso, stolas II cum anfanone auro et gemmis paratum’: Bischoff, ed., Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, 120.

³¹ Vogel, Cyrille and Elze, Reinhard, eds, Le Pontifical romano-germanique du dixième siècle, 2 vols (Vatican City, 1963)Google Scholar; succinctly summarized in Vogel, Cyrille, Introduction aux sources de l’histoire du culte chrétien au Moyen-Âge (Spoleto, 1973), 182–203 Google Scholar (ET Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources, trans. Storey, William G. and Rasmussen, Niels Krogh (Washington, DC, 1986), 225–39).Google Scholar

³² ‘Accedens autem archidiaconus tollit orarios [sic] de confessione, qui de esterna die repositi sunt ibi, inponet super eos’: Michel Andrieu, Les Ordines Romani du haut Moyen Âge, 5 vols, Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, Études et documents 11, 23–4, 28–9 (Louvain, 1931–56; repr. 1960–5), 4: 198 (Ordo 36.19); two manuscripts have the correct accusative plural, ‘oraria’. A confessio in Roman usage could be any niche, usually below the altar, that allowed contact with the relics or tomb venerated in the church; see Sible de Blaauw, Cultus et decor: Liturgia e architettura nella Roma tardoantica e medievale, 2 vols, Studi e testi 355—6 (Vatican City, 1994), 1: 84. St Peter’s, of course, came to be the most visited confessio of the city, and Ordo 36.13 specifies (Andrieu, Ordines, 4: 197) that the ordination rituals described took place ‘ad sanctum Petrum’.

³³ Andrieu, Ordines, 4: 397–402 (Ordo 42), 339–47 (Ordo 41), esp. 346 for the ‘linteamina vel omnia ornamenta ecclesiae, seu vasa sacra quaecumque ad cultum Dei ad ecclesiam pertinere’. The eighth-century Gelasian sacramentaries have separate prayers for the chalice, paten, lentiaminum and a general benediction ‘ad omnia in usu basilice’: Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Aeclesiae Ordinis Anni Circulu (Cod. Vat. Reg. lat. 316 I Paris Bibl. Nat. 7193, 41/56) (Sacramentariam Gelasiamim), ed. Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, Series maior, Fontes 4 (Rome, 1968), 109–10; Liber sacramentorvm Engolismensis: Manuscrit B.N. Lat. 816. Le Sacramentaire Gélasien d’Angoulême, ed. Patrick Saint-Roch (CChr.SL 159C), 363–5. For the Romano-Germanic pontifical, see Vogel and Elze, eds, Le pontifical romano-germanique, 1: 152–4 (40.79-81).

³⁴ The Register of Pope Gregory VII 1073–1085, trans. H. E.J. Cowdrey (Oxford, 2002), 391 (8.21).