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Elitist Leadership and Congregational Participation Among Early Plymouth Brethren

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Timothy C. F. Stunt*
Affiliation:
Wooster School, Danbury, CT, USA

Extract

When identifying the ‘catalyst for disaffection’ and the ‘trigger for individual secessions’ from the Establishment in the early nineteenth century, Grayson Carter recently concluded that ‘theological “extremism” was probably a more significant irritant than pastoral exasperation’. It is nevertheless evident that episcopal restraints on any ecclesiastical ‘irregularities’ and the dubious spiritual credentials of some of those controlling the appointment of both higher and lower clergy were also significant factors in the discontent of many who seceded in the 1830s. A quest for freedom from such constraints therefore often accompanied the special doctrinal emphases of those who would sooner or later quit the establishment. This was particularly true of the seceders known as the Plymouth Brethren whose congregations proliferated in the 1830s and ‘40s. With clerical ordination abandoned as unscriptural, their meetings came to be noted for spontaneous prayer and exhortation by any member of the congregation, but such an ‘institutionalizing’ of unprogrammed participation was liable to attract ‘free spirits’ whose orthodoxy and ‘manners’ could be questionable. This paper considers the way in which the precise doctrinal convictions and conservative social assumptions of such seceders could come into conflict with, and sometimes, at least for a while, keep at bay some of the elements unleashed by their professed desire for ecclesiastical freedom. Of particular interest is the interplay of social and doctrinal motivation.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2006

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References

1 Carter, Grayson, Anglican Evangelicals: Protestant Secessions from the Via Media, c. 1800–1850 (Oxford, 2001), 45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 For accounts of the early Brethren, see Neatby, W. Blair, History of the Plymouth Brethren (2nd edn, London, 1902)Google Scholar; Rowdon, Harold H., Origins of the Brethren 1825–50 (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Coad, F. Roy, History of the Brethren Movement (Exeter, 1968)Google Scholar; Stunt, Timothy C. F., From Awakening to Secession: Radical Evangelicals in Switzerland and Britain 1815–35 (Edinburgh, 2000).Google Scholar

3 Philpot, J. C., ‘The Christian Witness’, The Gospel Standard 8 (1842), 83.Google Scholar

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid.

7 The Parnell baronetcy dated from 1761, but Sir Henry Brooke Parnell was only raised to the peerage in 1841. John Vesey Parnell succeeded as the second Baron Congleton in 1842.

8 George Vicesimus Wigram was the twentieth child of Sir Robert Wigram of Walthamstowe. His brother, Robert, succeeded as the second baronet, changing his name to Fitz-Wygram in 1832.

9 Lancelot Charles Lee Brenton succeeded his father, Rear-Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton, in 1844.

10 When Alexander Cockburn succeeded to his maternal grandfather’s title in 1824, he was required to add on his grandfather’s name, Campbell.

11 B[enjamin] W[ills] Newton to Mrs [Anna] Newton, 23 May 1829, Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Christian Brethren Archive [hereafter: JRULM, CBA] 7179 (7). When he resigned his Oxford Fellowship in 1832, Newton had to take pupils for a living, but in later years he was financially comfortable either as a result of a delayed inheritance from his grandfather or following his second marriage.

12 Groves left for Baghdad in 1829, the year of Baynes’s death. On his return to England in 1835 he married Harriet Baynes: see Stunt, Awakening to Secession, 122 and 287.

13 For Harriet Passmore’s account and for Passmore’s association with Wigram and the earliest Brethren at Plymouth I am indebted to the genealogical researches of Mr Gordon Faulkner; see www.faulkner-history.fsnetco.uk/Passmore_frame.htm (consulted August 2005).

14 For this process see Stunt, Awakening to Secession, 291–5.

15 Kelly’s account of Darby, written in 1900, is quoted in Turner, W. G., John Nelson Darby (2nd edn, London, 1944), 77.Google Scholar

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25 See Stunt, Timothy C. F., Early Brethren and the Society of Friends (Pinner, 1970), 236 Google Scholar, where I suggested that the influx of Quakers to the Brethren in the 1830s following the Beaconite controversy significantly contributed to a less structured congregational worship.

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28 S. P. Tregelles (Florence, 13 April 1846) to B. W. Newton (Plymouth). The letter was formerly in the Fry Collection but is now apparently missing from the collection as presently held in the JRULM, CBA. The text here is taken from the author’s transcription made in 1962. For the vicissitudes of this ravaged source of primary materials see Stunt, , Awakening to Secession, 31314.Google Scholar

29 Tregelles’s underlining of the word ‘used’ suggests a change of heart on Foley’s part and his subsequent support of Darby and Wigram against Newton. Foley is not mentioned in any Brethren histories but we may identify him as Captain Edward Foley (1807–94) whose eighth and last child was Frank Wigram Foley (1865–1949). Born in Rochester, Edward Foley presumably left Plymouth in the 1840s and married (?1850) a younger woman; he lived in or near Cheltenham (1852–62), in Switzerland (1864–5), in Bath (1879), and by the time of the 1881 census had settled in Tonbridge; see Debrett’s, Peerage, Baronetage, Knightage and Companionage (London, 1902), 929 Google Scholar; Foster, Joseph, Alumni Oxonienses 1715–1886, 4 vols (Oxford, 1888), 1: 472 Google Scholar (s.v. Foley, Arthur Paul); www.thepeerage.com/p1609.htm; and www.familysearch.org/ (consulted August 2005).

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31 Ibid. On one occasion in the 1830s Newton substituted for Wigram in the newly established London assembly and, following his practice in Plymouth, refused to allow an open discussion proposed by Friedrich Bialloblotzky, who left the meeting in high dudgeon; see Newton, ‘Recollections’, 262, 301, 304. The episode was unknown to Bialloblotzky’s recent biographer, N. M. Railton, Transnational Evangelicalism: the Case of Friedrich Bialloblotzky (1799–1869) (Göttingen, 2002).

32 I.e. no-one would lead in the singing. Brethren considered musical accompaniment as unscriptural.

33 Henry Borlase (1806–35) had been a leading teacher with Newton in the early movement.

34 20 Jan, 1846 to William Kelly, [J. N. Darby] Letters of J.N.D., 3 vols (London, n.d.), 1: 89.

35 Ibid. Two months earlier (12 Nov. 1845) Darby had similarly accused Newton of neglecting the poor saying that, of the two ministers, Harris was ‘the only one who visited, and whom the poor really knew and loved. All the poor, I think I may say, have felt the evil’ (ibid., 1: 85).

36 Darby, J. N., ‘The Sabbath or, Is the Law Dead, or Am I?’, in Collected Writings, ed. Kelly, William, 34 vols (London, n.d.), 10: 278.Google Scholar

37 As Edward Groves observed, ‘A forlorn Brethren’s meeting was exactly suited for the development of gift in a retired military officer or civilian. Requiring no support of a mate rial kind from those who formed the assembly, he was free to expound Scripture as he pleased, especially if he undertook to make up the deficiency that constantly happened in the matter of rent and expenses’: Groves, E. K., George Müller and his Successors (London, 1906), 375.Google Scholar

38 For the Brethren in Italy, see Maselli, Domenico, Tra Risveglio e Millennio, Storia delle Chiese Cristiane dei Fratelli 1836–1886 (Turin, 1974)Google Scholar; Stunt, Timothy C. F., ‘The Via Media of Guicciardini’s Closest Collaborator, Teodorico Pietrocola Rossetti’, in Giorgi, Lorenza and Rubboli, Massimo, eds, Piero Guicciardini, 1808–1886. Un riformatore religioso nell’Europa dell’ Ottocento, Atti del Convegno di Studi, Firenze, 1112 aprile 1986 (Florence, 1988), 13758.Google Scholar

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