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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
In 849, Gottschalk of Orbais was summoned to the Synod of Quierzy. From his own studies of the patristic theologians he had formed views on predestination that had found little favour with the established Church of his day. No text of the proceedings at Quierzy survives but we do have reports from eye-witnesses in the contemporary Annals of St Bertin – interpolated by Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims to Gottschalk’s disadvantage – and by Florus the Deacon of Lyons. Hincmar is very scathing on how much Gottschalk’s learning had led him astray; he was too erudite for his own good. Hincmar tells us that at the synod, Gottschalk was accused of errant views, condemned, flogged, and compelled to burn the books containing his teachings (librosque suarum adsertionum). Florus the Deacon, however, provides crucial extra information. While Hincmar gives the impression that Gottschalk went to Quierzy more or less to be publicly punished, Florus’ account suggests that Gottschalk, at least as far as he, Gottschalk, was concerned, went to engage in dispute. He may even have been buoyed up with the hope of convincing his audience of bishops and abbots from the ecclesiastical province of Rheims, including Paschasius Radbertus of Corbie and Gottschalk’s own abbot from Orbais (in the diocese of Soissons), that he was justified in his views. Florus tells us that what Gottschalk had to burn were the sections from the Bible and patristic writings that vindicated his opinions and that he had brought with him to the synod. Gottschalk’s reference collection sounds very much like the dossiers assembled at other councils (not least Nicaea II in 787) compiled from authoritative writings to support views maintained in discussion.
1 Annates Bertiniani, sa 849, ed. Rau, R., Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte, 3 vols, Ausgcwahltc Quellen zur deutschen Gcschichtc des Mittelalters, 5–7 (Darmstadt, 1955–60),Google Scholar 2:72-7; tr. Nelson, J.L., The Annals of St Bertin (Manchester, 1991), 66–8,Google Scholar and see her argument concerning Hincmar’s interpolation into Prudcntius of Troycs’ text, ibid., 14, supporting, as she points out, views already put forward by scholars in the eighteenth century. Hincmar claims that Gottschalk had gone to Italy, Dalmatia, Noricum, and Pannonia. Compare the Annals of Fulda’s account of the earlier decision by bishops in Louis the German’s kingdom (also recorded in the Annals of St Bertin) (Mainz 848) who sent him to Hincmar, in Rau, Quellen, 3:36. On the synods see Hartmann, W., Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Italien (Padcrborn, 1989), 226–8.Google Scholar
2 W. Hartmann, ed., Die Konzilien der karolingische Teilreiche 843–859, MGH Concilia III: Concilia acvi Karolini 843–859 (Hanover, 1984), 197: ‘Quia inaudito irreligiositatis et crudclitatis exemplo, tandiu ille miscrabilis flagris et caedibus trucidatus est, donee (sicut narravcrunt nobis, qui pracsentcs adcrant) accenso coram se igni libcllum, in quo sententias scripturarum sive sanctorum patroni sibi collegerat quas in concilio offerer, coactus est iam pene emoriens suis manibus in flammam proicire atque incendio concremarc; cum omncs retro hacretici verbis et disputationibus victi atquc convicti sunt.’
3 On Nicaea II see Marie-France Auzepy, ‘Francfort et Niece II’, in Berndt, R., ed., Dos Frankfurter Konzil von 794, 2 vols (Mainz, 1997), 1:279–300 Google Scholar, at 291. On predestination see Marenbon, J., ‘Carolingian thought’ in McKitterick, R., ed., Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation (Cambridge, 1994), 171–92 Google Scholar, csp. 181–3; Ganz, D., Theology and the organization of thought’, in McKitterick, R., ed., The New Cambridge Medieval History, II, 700–900 (Cambridge, 1995), 758–85 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, csp. 767–73; D. Nincham, ‘Gottschalk of Orbais: reactionary or precursor of the Reformation?’, JEH, 40 (1989), 1–18.
4 Jcr. 36.23.
5 F.H. Cramer, ‘Book burning and censorship in ancient Rome. A chapter from the history of freedom of speech’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 6 (1945), 157–96, and see also Acts 19.19 for the account of the burning of magical texts at Ephcsus (incidentally the value of the books there burnt was estimated at 50,000 pieces of silver).
6 Compare Diocletian’s Edict of 297 (or 302) against the Manichces, ‘Comparison of the laws of Moses and the Romans’, ed. Huschke, P.E.,Seekel, E., and Kuebler, B., Lurisprudentia Anteiustiniana, 2 vols in 3 (Leipzig, 1908–27), 2:381–3 Google Scholar; see Lee, A.D., Pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity: A Sourcebook (London, 2000), 66–7 Google Scholar, for a succinct placing of the Diocletian decree in context and an English translation. For Diocletian against the Christians in 303, ordering the churches to be razed and the Scriptures destroyed by fire see Euscbius (ed. Schwartz, E. and Mommsen, T., Eusebius Werke 2: Die Kirchengeschichte und die lateinische Übersetzung des Rufinus, Die gricchischcn christlichen Schriftsteller des crstcn drci Jahrhundcrte, 9 (Leipzig, 1903)Google Scholar [hereafter Schwartz and Mommsen], 8.2 (742-3). For general discussion see Speyer, W., Büchervernichtung und Zensur des Ceistes bei Heiden, Juden und Christen (Stuttgart, 1981)Google Scholar, and Gamble, H., Books and Readers in the Early Church. A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven, CT, 1995).Google Scholar
7 See Jacob, W. and Hanslik, R., Cassiodori-Epiphanii Historia ecclesiastica tripartita, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 71 (Vienna, 1952), 11.15(109).Google Scholar
8 See the stimulating discussions in Biller, P. Google Scholar and Hudson, A., eds, Heresy and literacy, 1000-1530 (Cambridge, 1994).Google Scholar
9 See, for example, M. de Jong, ed., The Power of the Word. The Influence of the Bible on Early Medieval Politics, special issue of Early Medieval Europe, 7 (1998); J.J. Contreni, ‘Carolingian Biblical Studies’, in U.-R. Blumenthal, ed., Carolingian Essays (Washington, 1983), 71–98, reprinted in Contreni, J.J., Carolingian Learning, Masters and Manuscripts (Aldcrshot, 1992),Google Scholar ch. V; M.C. Ferrari, Il ‘Liber sanctae crucis’ di Rábano Mauro. Testo-immaginc-contesto (Bern, 1999). The fruitful notion of ‘textual community’ is of course from B. Stock, The Implications of Literacy; Written Language and Models of interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, NJ, 1983). For a recent assessment see also CF. Briggs, ‘Historiographical essay. Literacy, reading, and writing in the medieval West’, Journal of Medieval History, 26 (2000), 397–420.
10 E. Rauncr, ‘Notker des Stammlers “Notatio de illustribus viris”’, Mittellateinisches Jahrbnch, 21 (1986), 34–69; also E. Dummler, ed., Dos Formelbuch des Bischofs Salomo III von Konstanz (Leipzig, 1857, repr. Osnabruck, 1974).
11 See Susan Rankin, ‘“Ego itaquc Notker scripsi”’, Revue Benedictine, 101 (1991), 268–98, and von den Steinen, W., Notker und seinegeistige Welt (Bern, 1948), 58–63 Google Scholar.
12 See McKitterick, R., The Carolingiam and the Written Word (Cambridge, 1989), ch. 5 CrossRefGoogle Scholar: The organization of knowledge’, 164–210.
13 See Brunholzl, F., Histoire de la litterature latine du moyen âge. II: De l’époque carolingienne au milieu du onzième siècle (Turnhout, 1996 Google Scholar, rcv. edn tr. H. Rochais from German edn of 1992), 39–41, and Curtius, E., Europàische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern, 1948)Google Scholar, Excursus VI.6, 457–8 (Eng. tr. Trask, W., European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (London, 1953), 463–4)Google Scholar.
14 Brunholzl, Histoire, 41.
15 Jcrome-Gcnnadius, De viris illustribus, ed. Richardson, E.C., Hieronymus De viris inlustribus, Texte und Uiitersuchungcn zur Geschichte der altehristlichcn Literatur (Leipzig, 1896)Google Scholar. See also CA Bernouilli, éd., Hieronymus-Cennadius De viris illustribus (Freiburg ini Brcisgau and Leipzig, 1895), who supplies fuller details on some of the manuscripts, though Richardson’s text has been agreed by subsequent scholars to be the best.
16 Czapla, Bruno, Gennadius als Litterarhistoriker. Ein Quellenkritische Vntersuchung der Schrift des Gennadius von Marseille. De viris illustribus, Kirchcngeschichtlichc Studien 4.1 (Munster, 1898)Google Scholar.
17 Merino, C.C., El ‘De viris illustribus’ de Isidoro de Sevilla. Estudio y edición critica, Theses et studia philologica Salamanticensia, 12 (Salamanca, 1964)Google Scholar. See also Gustav von Dziatowski, Isidor und Ildefons ais Litterarhistoriker. Eine Quellenkritische Untersuchung der Schriften De viris illustribus des Isidor von Sevilla und des Ildefons von Toledo, Kirchcngeschichtlichc Studien 4.2 (Munster, 1898); W. Smidt, ‘Ein altes Handschriftcnfragmcnt der “Viri illustres” Isidors von Sevilla’, Neues Archiv, 44 (1922), 122–35; H. Knoeppler, ‘De viris illustribus and Isidore of Seville’, JThS, 37 (1936), 16–34. Compare the Liber Pontificalis, Life 66, in Duchesne, L., éd., Le Liber Pontificalis (Paris, 1886), 312.Google Scholar
18 Richardson, De viris inlustribus, 2; Eng. tr. E.C. Richardson, ‘Jerome and Gennadius. Lives of Illustrious Men’, in Wace, H. and SchafF, P., eds, A Select Library of Nicene and post- Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, 2nd ser., 3 (Oxford and New York, 1892), 359 Google Scholar. A new translation is in preparation by Mark Vesscy for the Liverpool Translated Texts for Historians series.
19 Richardson, De viris inlustribus, 2.
20 Ibid., Jerome, nos I, VIII, XXII, XXXVI, LXXV, CXXIV (6-7, 12, 20–1, 26, 41, S3).
21 Ibid., Gennadius, nos XLIII, LVII, XL (77, 81, 76); tr. Richardson, ‘Jerome and Gennadius’, 393.
22 See the fine analysis in R-A. Markus, ‘Church history and early church historians’, SCH, 11 (1975), 1–17, and the useful survey in Attridge, H.W. and Hata, G., eds, Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism (Detroit, 1992)Google Scholar, csp. Chesnut, G.F., ‘Eusebius, Augustine, Orosius and the later patristic and medieval Cliristian historians’, 687–713 Google Scholar. See also Chesnut, G.F., The First Christian Histories. Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret and Evagrius (Paris, 1977/Macon, GA, 1986).Google Scholar
23 Momigliano, A., ‘Pagan and Christian historiography’, in idem, The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford, 1963), 79–99.Google Scholar
24 Schwartz and Mommsen.
25 See the useful (and qualifying) comments by Goffart, W., The Narrators of Barbarian History (Princeton, NJ, 1988), esp. 157, 226, 299 Google Scholar.
26 Hammond, C., ‘A product of a fifth-century scriptorium preserving conventions used by Rufinus of Aquileia’, JThS, ns 29 (1978), 366–91 Google Scholar; C. Hammond-Bammell, ‘Products of fifth-century scriptoria preserving conventions used by Rufinus of Aquileia’, JThS, ns 30 (1979). 430–61; cadcm, ‘Products of fifth-century scriptoria preserving conventions used by Rufinus of Aquileia’, JThS, ns 35 (1984), 347–93.
27 This appears to be a reference to the very lengthy panegyric on the rebuilding of the church at Tyre.
28 Schwartz and Mommsen, 952; Eng. tr. W.H. Freemantle, ‘Life and Works of Rufinus with Jerome’s Apology against Rufinus’, in Wace and Schaff, Select Library of Nicene and Post- Nicene Fathers, 3:565, and see also Amidon, P.R., The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia, Books 10 and 11 (New York and Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar.
29 Schwartz and Mommsen, 957; Eng. tr., Freemantle, ‘Life and works’, 565.
30 Winkelman, F., ‘Das Problem dcr Rckonstruktion der Historia ecclesiastica des Gelasius von Caesarea’, Forschungen unâ Fortschritte, 38 (1964), 311–14 Google Scholar, and idem, Untersu-chung zur Kirchengeschichte des Gelasios von Kaisareia, Sitzungsberichte der dcutschcn Akadcmic der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (Berlin, 1966).
31 Thelamon, F., Païens et chrétiens au IVe siècle: l’apport de l’histoire ecclésiastique de Rufin d’Aquilée (Paris, 1981)Google Scholar.
32 J.E.L. Oulton, ‘Rufinus’s translation of the church history of Euscbius’, JThS, 30 (1929), 150–174 at 150.
33 Christensen, T., Rufinus of Aquileia and the Historia Ecclesiastica Lib. VIII-IX, of Eusebius, Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser, 58 (Copenhagen, 1989)Google Scholar. See also the summary of his conclusions in idem, ‘Rufinus of Aquileia and the Historia Ecclesiastica, lib. VIII-IX, of Eusebius’, Studia Theologica, 34 (1980), 129–52.
34 Christensen, Rufinus of Aquileia, 334.
35 Schwartz and Mommsen, II.23 (174-3); See Oulton, ‘Rufinus’s translation’, 156–9.
36 Schwartz and Mommsen, III.25 (250-1).
37 Ibid., III.3 (190-1); and see Oulton, ‘Rufinus’s translation’, 157.
38 The attitude towards the Jews of both Eusebius and Rufinus, moreover, would merit further study. Compare Bede’s commentary on the Canticle of Habakkuk and the observations on the salvation history of Jew and Gentile in Connolly, S., Bede on Tobit and on the Canticle of Habakkuk (Dublin, 1997), 18–37.Google Scholar
39 Schwartz and Mommsen, V.8 (443-4).
40 Ibid., VI. 16 (555).
41 Wilken, R., ‘Eusebius and the Christian holy land’, in Attridge and Hata, Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism, 736–60 Google Scholar. See also Wilkcn, RX., The Land called Holy: Palestine in Christian History and Thought (New Haven, CT, and London, 1992)Google Scholar.
42 Schwartz and Mommsen, 7.
43 Hardwick, M.E., Josephus as an Historical Source in Patristic Literature (Atlanta, GA, 1989), csp. 114 Google Scholar.
44 Grant, R.M., Eusebius as Church Historian (Oxford, 1980), 126–41 Google Scholar.
45 Ibid., 66.
46 Markus, ‘Church history’, 5.
47 Jacob and Hanslik, Cassiodori-Epiphanii.
48 Bidez, J., La Tradition manuscrite de Sozomène et la Tripartite de Théodore le lecteur, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchrìstlìchen Lìteratur, 32 (Leipzig, 1908)Google Scholar; and see also Theodoret, Kirchengeschichte, ed. Léon Parmcnticr, rcv. F. Schcidweiler, Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller, 44 (Berlin, 1954), and Bidez, J.,Grillet, B., Sabbah, G., and A.-J. Fcstugière, Sozomène Histoire ecclésiastique, Sources Chrétiennes, 306 (Paris, 1983)Google Scholar.
49 F. Wcisengrubcr, Epiphanius Scholasticus als Ubersetzer zu Cassiodorus-Epiphanius Historia ecclesiastica tripartita, Osterrcichische Akadcmic der Wisscnschaften, phil.-hist. Klassc, Sitzungsbcrichtc, 283, = Veröffentlichungen der Kommission zur Hcrausgabc des Corpus der latcinischcn Kirchenvetere, ed. R. Hanslik, Heft 5 (Vienna, 1972), and Sven Lundström, Ubersetzungs technische Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der christlichen Latinità! (Lund, 1955).
50 Cassiodorus, Institutiones, ed. RJA.R. Mynors (Oxford, 1937), XVII. 1 (56).
51 Jacob and Hanslik, Cassiodori-Epiphani, II.15 (108-9).
52 Ibid., I.16 (109-10).
53 Ibid., III.3 (138-9).
54 Ibid., IV.24 (179-91); compare V.45 (294-5).
55 Ibid. V.17 (237-41).
56 Ibid. VI.29 (345-8).
57 Ibid., VIII.13 (485-91).
58 Ibid., XI.9 (638-9).
59 Ibid., XI.12 (643-5).
60 Ibid. VIII.13 (488-9) gives the hostile account of the account of the conversion of the Goths by Ulfilas.
61 See the discussion by Bierbrauer, K., ‘Konzilsdarstellungen der Karolingerzeit’, in Berndt, Das Frankfurter Konzil von 794, 2:751–65, at 759–65 Google Scholar, who cites Straubinger, J., Die Kreuzauffm Jungs Iegende (Paderborn, 1912), 66–76 Google Scholar, as her source for the information that the story derives solely from a fifth-century Syriac source. I have been unable to consult Straubinger. See also C. Walter, ‘Les Dessins carolingiens dans un manuscrit de Verceil’, Cahiers archéologiques, 18 (1968), 99–107.
62 Both illustrations are reproduced in Hubert, J., Porcher, J., and Vollbach, W., Europe in the Dark Ages (1969), 142–3.Google Scholar
63 This is the famous Wessobrunner Gehet manuscript: see Bierbrauer, K., Die vorkarolingischen und karolingischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek. Katalog der illuminierten Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, 2 vols (Wiesbaden, 1990), 1, no. 155 (83–4) and 2, pl. 319–36.Google Scholar
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65 Bischoff, B., Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften, Miinchcncr Bcitrage zur Mediavistik und Renaissance-Forschung, Bciheft (Munich, 1974), Tafel 3 and pp. 13–15 Google Scholar.
66 Mynors, Institutiones, XXVII.I (55). Eusebius also made copious use of Josephus, but the reading of Josephus in the early Middle Ages must await another occasion: see, for example, Hardwick, Joiepfnu, and Schreckenberg, H., ed., Jewish Historiography and ¡conography in Early and Medieval Christianity (Asscn and Minneapolis, MN, 1992)Google Scholar.
67 See Jones, C.W., ed., Bedae Opera didascalica, 2, CChrSL, 123B (Turnhout, 1977),Google Scholar with ch. 66 supplied from T. Mommsen, Chronica minora, 3, MGH Andores Antiqiiissimonim, 13 (Berlin, 1898), 247–321, and the excellent translation and commentary provided by Wallis, F., Bede: The Reckoning of Time (Liverpool, 1999), 157–237, 353–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
68 In the muddled edition of Becker, G., Catalogi biblothecarum antiqui (Bonn, 1886), 83–4 Google Scholar. Jerome-Gennadius is listed at 95. [See also n.111 below.]
69 Gesta Fontanellensis coenohii, 13.6, ed. P. Pradic, Chronique des Abbés de Fontenelle (Saint- Wandrille) (Paris, 1999), 172. I wrongly located Flaviacum (St Germer) at Flavigny in îny Carolinians and the Written Word, 175.
70 EA Lowe, ‘An eighth-century list of books in a Bodleian manuscript from Wiirzburg and its probable relation to the Laudian Acts’, Speculum, 3 (1928), 3–15, reprinted in EA Lowe (ed. L. Bieler), Palaeographical Papers ¡ooj-1965, 2 vols (Oxford, 1972), 1:239-50 and pi. 27–30. See Bischoff, B. and Hofmann, J., Libri sancii Kyliani. Die Wurzburger Schreibschule und die Dombibliothek im VIII. una” IX. Jahrhundert (Wiirzburg, 1952), 143, 146.Google Scholar
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75 Ibid., 246, 265. For a fuller list of early medieval library catalogues containing these works see Sicgmund, A., Die Überlieferung dergricchischen christlichen Literatur, Abhandlungen der Baycrischen Benediktincr Akadcmic, 5 (Munich, 1949), 56–7, 73–6 Google Scholar.
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80 Ibid., 165–209, csp. 200–5.
81 The colophon added at the end of the Isidore section suggests this exemplar was written between 768 and 771, as it refers to the joint rule of Charles and Carloman after the death of Pippin: Merino, El ‘De viris illustribus’, 126, and see McKitterick, Carolingians and the Written Word, 201–3.
82 Bischoff, B., Katalog der festlãndischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), I: Aachen-Lambach (Wiesbaden, 1998), no. 570 (121)Google Scholar.
83 Smidt, ‘Ein altes Handschriftcnfragmcnt’, 125–35.
84 Merino, El ‘De viris illustribus’, 87–128.
85 BN, MS lat. 18282 (CLA, 5, no. 674), but compare BN, MS lat. 10399 fol, 4,5 + BN, MS lat. 10400, fol. 27 [CLA, 5, no. 594, a different redaction of Eusebius-Rufinus), and R McKitterick, ‘Nuns’ scriptoria in England and Francia in the eighth century’, Francia, 19/i (1992), 1–36, at 6–11, reprinted in cadcm, Scribes and Learning in the Frankish Kingdoms, 6th, 9th Centuries (Aldershot, 1994), ch. VII.
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88 Bischoff, Lorsch, 23 and pl. VI.
89 Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotck, MS Gl. Kgl. S.163, illustrated in K. van der Horst, W. Noel, and W.C.M Wüstcfcld, The Utrecht Psalter in Medieval Art (Utrecht, 1996), 11. Pace Bischoff, Katalog derfestlãndischen Handschriften, no. 1981 (411), I consider this manuscript to have been written at St Amand rather than Saint-Germain-des-Prés, but possibly used at the latter.
90 Dobias-Rozdestvenskaja, O.A. and Bakhtinc, W.W., Les anciens manuscrits latins de la Bibliothèque publique Saltykov-Scedrin de Leningrad, Ville-début IX siècle (Paris, 1991), no. 39 (98–101) and pI. VII.Google Scholar
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94 CLA, 3, no. **38. These fragments – Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale F.IV.29 (binding), BAV, MS lat. 5760, fols i-ii, and Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C.91 inf., fols 128, 129 – were used at Bobbio for binding purposes in the fifteenth century; see also Siegmund, Überlieferung, 79.
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105 BN, MS lat. 1, fol. 3v, illustrated in Müthcrich and Ghaede, Carolingian Painting, 21, and San Paolo fuori le mura, fol. 3V, illustrated in HJL Kessler, The Illustrated Bibles from Tours, Studies in Manuscript Illumination, 7 (Princeton, NJ, 1977), pl. 131.
106 Kessler, H.L., ‘A lay abbot as patron: Count Vivian and the First Bible of Charles the Bald’, in Committenti e produzione artistico-letteraria nell’alto medioevo occidentale, Settimane de Studio del centro Italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 39 (Spoleto, 1992), 647–76 Google Scholar.
107 Aleuin, Disputatio de rhetorica et de virtutibus sapientissimi regis Karli et Albini magistri. The Rhetoric of Aleuin and Charlemagne, ed. with Eng. tr. Howell, W.S. (Princeton, NJ, 1941), 132–3 Google Scholar.
108 M. de Jong, ‘The empire as ecclesia: Hrabanus Maurus and “biblical historia for rulers”’, in Hen and Inncs, Uses of the Past, 191–226.
109 I discuss the role of Cassiodorus’ Imtitutiones in this respect as well in my Carolingians and the Written Word, 200–5.
110 Sigebert of Gembloux, De viris illustribus, ed. Wittc, R., atalogas Sigeberti Cemblacensis monachi de viris iUustribus, Lateinischc Sprachc und Literatur des Mittelalters 1 (Bern, 1974) -and also in PL 160, cols 547–88 Google Scholar; Honorius Augustodunensis, De Iuminaribus ecclesiae (PL 172, cols 197–234), see V.I.J. Flint, The place and purpose of the works of Honorius Augustodunensis’, Revue Bénédictine, 87 (1977), 97–127.
111 Addendum to n.68: In the new edition by Hase, A, Mittelalterliche Bücherverzeichnisse aus Kloster Lorsch: Einleitung, Edition und Kommentar, Beitrage zum Buch- und Bibliothck-wesen, 42 (Wcisbadcn, 2002), 137, Jerome-Gennadius is listed at 151 Google Scholar.