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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Africa has never been an absolutely dark continent to those who live elsewhere. From the days of the Phoenician traders of Carthage to the Afro-Arab mercantile empires of the fifteenth century Africa was always a source of what more literate peoples wanted. Long before modern Europeans began to explore the continent others had been there and taken their literary skills with them. In 1857 Richard Burton - the real Richard Burton - went on a journey to find the ‘reputed great Lake Tanganyika’ for the Royal Geographical Society. One hundred and thirty-four days’ journey into the interior he was the guest of an Arab dealer in slaves and ivory, of whom he said, ‘ He had read much, and, like an oriental, for improvement, not only for amusement: he had a wonderful memory, fine perceptions and passing power of language’. Arabic and Islamic culture penetrated into, and made a lasting impression on, many parts of Africa. Reading and writing sometimes accompanied this penetration and there are fascinating traces of attempts to reduce African languages to writing in Arabic script. Nevertheless, writing a history even of modern Africa requires a very different technique from that which is needed to write a history of Europe in the same period because it is far less concerned with documents.
page no 391 note 1 Burton, Richard F., Lake Regions of Central Africa, I (London 1860) p 325 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
page no 391 note 2 See for example [Basil], Davidson, [Africa in History] (London 1968) p 221 Google Scholar.
page no 392 note 1 In many cases genealogies are the only way in which an approximate chronology can be established, see [Monica], Wilson and [Leonard], Thompson, [Oxford History of South Africa], I (Oxford 1969) pp 74ff Google Scholar.
page no 392 note 2 For example Davidson, p 139.
page no 392 note 3 See the attempt to date the movement of Nguni peoples in Wilson and Thompson, pp 74ff.
page no 392 note 4 See for example Shepperson, G. and Price, T., Independent African (Edinburgh 1958)Google Scholar.
page no 392 note 5 See for example Debrunner, H., A Church Between Colonial Powers (London 1965)Google Scholar: Oliver, R., The Missionary Factor in East Africa (2nd ed London 1965)Google Scholar: and n.b. Rotberg, R. T., Christian Missionaries and the Creation of Northern Rhodesia (Princeton 1965)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and a critique of it by Bolink, P. in Nederduitse Gereformeerde Teologiese Tydskrif, VII, 3 (Capetown 1966) pp 168 Google Scholar.
page no 393 note 1 See Rakotoarimanana, V., ‘The Problems of Reunion Negotiations in Africa seen by a Malagasy Pastor’, Midstream, IV, 2 (Indianapolis 1964) pp 35ff Google Scholar.
page no 393 note 2 I know that this terminology is not new and is open to certain objections – see [Christianity in Tropical Africa, ed Baėta, C. G.] (London 1968) p 261 Google Scholar - but in this particular context I believe it is still the least misleading. Ancestor cult, used later in this paper, is also open to objection but again it is difficult to find a satisfactory substitute.
page no 394 note 1 Report of the South African Native Affairs Commission (Cape Town 1905) and see especially p 63.
page no 394 note 2 Minutes of the South African General Missionary Conference; the reverend J. S. Morris, 14 July 1904.
page no 394 note 3 Ibid the reverend F. Bridgeman, 20 July 1904.
page no 394 note 4 Ibid Resolutions, 20 July 1904.
page no 394 note 5 Victor, O., The Salient of South Africa (London 1931) pp l06ff Google Scholar.
page no 394 note 6 Ibid p 107.
page no 395 note 1 See Sundkler, [B. M.], [Bantu Prophets in South Africa], (2 ed London 1961) appendix B, pp 354ff Google Scholar for a list of several thousand names of Churches.
page no 395 note 2 Turner, H. W., African Independent Church, 2 vols (Oxford 1967)Google Scholar.
page no 395 note 3 1 ed, London 1948.
page no 395 note 4 Sundkler (1 ed) pp 53ff.
page no 396 note 1 See, for example, the chart on pp 262ff of the first edition.
page no 396 note 2 Roux, E., Time Longer than Rope (London 1948) p 88 Google Scholar.
page no 396 note 3 Sundkler, 2 ed, London 1961, pp 323ff.
page no 396 note 4 For example Martin, M.L., The Biblical Concept of Messiahs and Messianism in Southern Africa (Morija 1964)Google Scholar; Oosthuizen, G. C., The Theology of a South African Messiah (Leiden 1967)Google Scholar.
page no 397 note 1 Hinchliff, P., The Church in South Africa (London 1968) p 104 Google Scholar.
page no 397 note 2 Runciman, S., The Eastern Schism (Oxford 1955) p 25 Google Scholar.
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page no 398 note 1 See Rotberg, R. T. and Mazrui, A. A. (eds) Protest and Power in Black Africa (New York 1970) PP 377ff Google Scholar for a consideration of religious protests seen in the broad context of protest as a sociological phenomenon. See also pp 1191ff for a tentative analysis of the causes of protest, identified as ‘anger, fear and frustrated ambition’.
page no 398 note 2 See for example Hammond-Tooke, W. D., ‘ Some Bhaca Religious Categories ‘, African Studies, XIX, 1 (Witwatersrand 1960) p 1 Google Scholar.
page no 398 note 3 I am indebted on this point to a former pupil of mine, the reverend C. Garner, who has allowed me to see the results of his research in this field.
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page no 399 note 1 See also the interesting parallels cited by C. K. Oman in African Initiatives, p 7.
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page no 400 note 1 African Initiatives, p 147 where Barrett explains and defends his method.
page no 401 note 1 African Initiatives, pp 122ff.
page no 401 note 2 For the importance of polygamy in separatism see J. B. Webster in Baėta, p 224.
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page no 402 note 5 For example Baker, L. G. D., ‘The Shadow of the Christian Symbol’, in SCH, VI (1970) pp 17ff Google Scholar.
page no 403 note 1 M.-L. Martin in African Initiatives, pp 114ff.
page no 404 note 1 Mbiti, J., ‘ Christianity and Traditional Religions in Africa ‘, International Review of Missions, LIX (Geneva 1970) pp 439ff Google Scholar.
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page no 404 note 3 African Initiatives, pp 274ff.