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The Other Archipelago: Kulak Deportations to the North in 1930

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Lynne Viola
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Abstract

The “other archipelago” of “special setdements” was a cornerstone of the evolving gulag (Glavnoe upravlenie ispravitel’no-trudovykh lagerei) order. Scholars have paid relatively scant attention to the special settlements, which emerged first to isolate and exploit the labor of the dekulakized peasantry and within a short time would house a variety of other state-defined social and ethnic aliens through the course of the Stalin years. This article explores the history of the other archipelago in the year 1930, its founding and perhaps most difficult year, focusing on the NortiV ern Region. It was here that the state chose to send over a quarter of a million peasants, the single largest contingent of dekulakized peasant families in 1930. Against this icy backdrop, the special setders—men, women, and children—built the villages of the other archipelago within the wilderness.

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Articles
Information
Slavic Review , Volume 60 , Issue 4 , Winter 2001 , pp. 730 - 755
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 2001

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References

The research for this project was carried out under the auspices of the Stalin-Era Research and Archives Project at the University of Toronto, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the ConnaughtFund. I would like to thank R.W. Davies, J. Arch Getty, Peter Holquist, Tracy McDonald, Elena Osokina, Yuri Slezkine, and Amir Weiner, as well as Diane Koenker and her anonymous referees at Slavic Review, for their invaluable feedback on this article. In the archival citations, I have identified all fonds; given space limitations, I identify dela and individual documents only in rare cases when it seemed absolutely pertinent.

1 Vologodskii oblastnoi arkhiv noveishei politicheskoi istorii (VOANPI), f. 5 (Severo- Dvinskii okruzhkom VKP), op. 1, d. 275,1. 3.

2 Ibid. Until 1938, the special settlers worked in neustavnye agricultural artels, meaning collective farms without the charters and limited rights and privileges of regular collective farms. These artels received charters in 1938.The artels were intended to make the special settlers self-sufficient, while providing a work force for regions and industries suffering from a shortage of labor. In the Northern Region, the special settlers’ collective farms never attained self-sufficiency. See, for example, the 8 October 1951 report prepared by the regional leadership for G. M. Malenkov, in Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv obshchestvenno-politicheskikh dvizhenii i formirovanii Arkhangel’skoi oblasti (GAOPDF AO), f. 296 (Arkhangel’skii obkom), op. 2, d. 1086,11. 63–65.

3 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 275,11. 3–7.

4 Ibid.

5 Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), f. 9414 (OGPU. Osobyi otdel), op. 1, d. 1943 (Itogovye materialy o provedennoi operatsii po vyseleniiu kulachestva v 1930 godu, torn 1), 1. 101. A total of 112,828 families (550,558 people) were deported in 1930. For slightly larger figures (113,013 families with 551,330 people), see Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv sotsial’no-politicheskoi istorii (RGASPI), f. 17 (TsKVKP), op. 120, d. 52, 1. 20 (Spravka o khode vyseleniia kulatskikh semei).

6 Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I., The Gulag Archipelago, trans. Whitney, Thomas P. and Willetts, Harry, 3 vols. (New York, 1973–78), 1: 24, 54–57, 538; 2: 305.Google Scholar

7 With the creation of the Department of Special Settlements (Otdel po spetspereselentsam, or OSP) under gulag, the special setdements were formally placed under the jurisdiction of die OGPU beginning on 1 July 1931. The nomenclature also changed over time: from 1933 spetspereselentsy became trudposelentsy, or labor settlers, reverting back to spetspereselentsy in later years. See Lynne Viola, , “The Role of the OGPU in Dekulakization, Mass Deportations, and Special Resettlement in 1930,” The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, 2000, no. 1406:2, 36.Google Scholar

8 On odier social aliens, see Hagenloh, Paul, “’Socially Harmful Elements’ and die Great Terror,” in Fitzpatrick, Sheila, ed., Stalinism: New Directions (New York, 2000), 286–308.Google Scholar On ethnic deportations, see Martin, Terry, “The Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing,” Journal of Modern History 70, no. 4 (1998): 813–61;Google Scholar and Weiner, Amir, “Nature, Nurture, and Memory in a Socialist Utopia: Delineating the Soviet Socio-Ethnic Body in the Age of Socialism,” American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1114–55.Google Scholar

9 David Nordlander has explored issues of central control in the construction of Magadan, concluding that Stalin’s “sway” there was “overwhelming.” I fear that Nordlander’s analysis is somewhat too simple, shaped perhaps by his misguided and, I think, dated attack (not to mention faulty interpretation) on revisionist scholarship of the 1980s, as well as his tendency to mistake “administrative checkups” (801) and central interference for actual control. See his article, “Origins of a Gulag Capital: Magadan and Stalinist Control in the Early 1930s,” Slavic Review 57’, no. 4 (1998): 791–812.

10 Peter H. Solomon, Jr., has documented die transition in penal policy from what he views as a “progressive” policy in the 1920s to one based primarily on economic needs. See his pioneering article, “Soviet Penal Policy, 1917–1934: A Reinterpretation,” Slavic Review 39, no. 2 (June 1980): 201, 207. James Harris has also discussed labor as the motivating factor in spurring on the policy of peasant deportations in die Urals in “The Growth of the Gulag: Forced Labor in die Urals Region, 1929–31,” Russian Review 56, no. 2 (April 1997): 265–80. My own research suggests a blend of motivating factors that included labor (especially for die forestry industry, whose exports were seen to be an important source of foreign currency during the first Five-Year Plan), colonization, and the “confiscative-repressive” aspects of dekulakization in 1930 as well as a far from monolithic outlook on the matter among officials in both the center and the regions. For a discus sion of the importance of the “confiscative-repressive” aspects of dekulakization, see Danilov, V. P. and Krasil’nikov, S. A., eds., Spetspereselentsy v Zapadnoi Sibiri, 1930–1945, 4 vols. (Novosibirsk, 1992–96), 1:14.Google Scholar One of die best general discussions is Krasil’nikov, S. A., ed., “Rozhdenie GULAGa: Diskussii v verkhnikh eshelonakh vlasti,” Istoricheskii ai-khiv, 1997, no. 4:142–43.Google Scholar

11 Mikhailovna Ivanova, Galina, Labor Camp Socialism: The Gulag in the Soviet Totalitarian System, trans. Carol Flath (Armonk, N.Y., 2000).Google Scholar

12 Administrativno-territorial’noe delenie Arkhangel’skoi gubernii i oblasti v XVIII–XX vekakh. Spravochnik (Arkhangelsk, 1997), 113. The population figures are based on die 1926 census.

13 RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2, d. 441 (Stenograficheskii otchet zasedaniia Plenuma TsK VKP,10–17 noiabria 1929), vyp. 1,1. 70.

14 See Viola, Lynne, “The Case of Krasnyi Meliorator or ‘How the Kulak Grows into Socialism,’” Soviet Studies 38, no. 4 (1986): 508–29.Google Scholar

15 For further information, see Viola, “The Role of the OGPU in Dekulakization, Mass Deportations, and Special Resettlement in 1930,” 1–12.

16 RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 8 (Protokoly zasedaniia Politbiuro TsK), 11. 64–69; Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1994, no. 4:148–49.

17 GAOPDF AO, f. 290 (Severnyi kraikom), op. 1, d. 386,1. 24 (undated). The date is given in N. A. Ivnitskii, Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie (nachalo 30–kh godov) (Moscow, 1994), 122. The figure of 70,000 families came from the Northern Regional OGPU representative’s (polnomochnyi predstavitel’) plan submitted to OGPU for the exile of 70,000 families. See Viola, “The Role of the OGPU in Dekulakization, Mass Deportations, and Special Resettlement,” and Tsentral’nyi arkhiv federativnoi sluzhby bezopasnosti (TsA FSB), f. 2, op. 8, d. 504,11. 16–18. Documents from this archive come via the Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni project ( Danilov, V P., Manning, R. T., Viola, L., eds., Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni: Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie. Dokumenty i materialy v 5 tomakh, 1927–1939 [Moscow, 1999–]Google Scholar) and will be preceded in citations by “Tragediia.“

18 GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 386,1. 6.

19 In Bergavinov’s absence (he was in Moscow), the Northern Region’s party committee and its special commission on resettlement met several times in late January to begin their planning process. On 29 January, the special commission concluded that the construction of some 800 barracks according to central plans was “unrealistic” given local budget realities. The issue of temporary housing spilled over into the next meeting of 31 January where some members suggested that the north should only take 30,000 families if temporary housing was not available—hence Stalin’s reference to 30,000 families. Bergavinov sent a copy of the protocols of this meeting to Molotov, with another copy to G. G. Iagoda. GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 378,11. 11–12, 15–17, 30–32. On Bergavinov’s whereabouts, see Rudol’f Khantalin, Nevol’niki i bonzy (Arkhangelsk, 1998), 54. Stalin’s letter is in Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 204,1. 468.

20 GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 387,1. 8.

21 For more information on Bergavinov, see Viola, Lynne, “A Tale of Two Men: Bergavinov, Tolmachev, and the Bergavinov Commission,” Europe-Asia Studies 52, no. 8 (2000): 1449–66.Google Scholar See also Bergavinov’s May 1930 memorandum to his county and district party committee secretaries in which he discusses how special settlement “will resolve the colonization question and overcome the sharp deficit in labor power” in the north. GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 331,1. 45. Bergavinov’s sentiment direcdy reflected the views of Iagoda who had long called for the use of forced labor to open up the vast natural resources of the north. See Krasil’nikov, ed., “Rozhdenie GULAGa,” 143–46, for further discussion.

22 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1943,1. 41.

23 See Viola, “The Role of the OGPU in Dekulakization, Mass Deportations, and Special Resetdement in 1930.“

24 Ibid.; Tragediia, TsAFSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 504,11. 16–18.

25 GARF, f. 393 (NKVD RSFSR), op. 43a, d. 1796, 1. 232; Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 9, d. 760,1. 6. Also see GARF, f. 393, op. la, d. 292,11. 34, 82. For more information on Tolmachev’s role at this time, see Viola, “A Tale of Two Men: Bergavinov, Tolmachev, and the Bergavinov Commission,” 1449–66.

26 GARF, f. 393, op. la, d. 292,11. 82, 450.

27 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944 (Itogovye materialy o provedennoi operatsii po vyseleniiu kulachestva v 1930 godu, torn, 2), 1. 107.

28 RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 9 (Protokoly zasedaniia Politbiuro TsK), 11. 138, 161; d. 10,11. 51–54; GARF, f. 9479 (OGPU. Otdel po spetspereselentsam glavnogo upravleniia lagerei), op. 1, d. 2, 11. 10–16; d. 949, 1. 77. Also see Danilov, and Krasil’nikove, , eds., Spetspereselentsy v Zapadnoi Sibiri, 2:5, 309nl; and Ivnitskii, N. A. and Makurov, V G., eds., Iz istorii raskulachivaniia v Karelii, 1930–31 (Petrozavodsk, 1991), 142–43.Google Scholar

29 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,11. 100, 107; f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

30 Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Vologodskoi oblasti (GAVO), f. 399 (Vologodskoe okruzemupravlenie), op. 1, d. 192,1. 54; GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1797,1. 35.

31 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1797,11. 35–36.

32 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944, 1. 100; f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1797, 11. 39a, 44; f. 1235 (VTsIK), op. 144, d. 776,1. 2; Tragediia, TsAFSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 204,1. 545.

33 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796, 11. 2–18; f. 1235, op. 141, d. 776, 1. 66. Also see Artemova, O. V, “Spetspereselentsy v Vozhegodskom raione (1930–e gody),” Vozhega: Kraevedcheskii al’manakh (Vologda, 1995), 172–94.Google Scholar

34 GARF, f. 393, op. la, d. 292,1. 90. For more information on Shirvindt, an important official in die penal system, see Solomon, “Soviet Penal Policy, 1917–1934,” 201, 207; and Solomon, , Soviet Criminal Justice under Stalin (Cambridge, Eng., 1996), 60, 103, 149.Google Scholar

35 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 776,1. 6.

36 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

37 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4–2; f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,11. 42–50; Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni: Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie. Dokumenty i materialy (Moscow, 2000), 2:168–69; NeizvestnaiaRossiia: XXvek (Moscow, 1992), 1:243.

38 Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2:270–71. Also see GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 139.

39 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786, 11. 4–2; f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944, 11. 42–50, 51–60.

40 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,11. 51–60, 148; f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796, 11. 230–31.

41 GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 387,1. 9.

42 GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 425, 11. 5–6. Emphasis (capitalization) in the original.

43 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,1. 128; f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786, 11. 4–2; Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 504,1. 308.

44 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11.126–27.

45 Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2:345–51.

46 GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 331,1. 45.

47 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

48 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 274,11. 114–18.

49 E.g., VOANPI, f. 329 (Vozhegodskii raikom VKP), op. 1, d. 97,11. 16–18.

50 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1943,11. 35–37.

51 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18, 308.

52 Ibid., 1. 308.

53 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 306–7.

54 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4–2.

55 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 118; RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 8,1.139.

56 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 118.

57 Ibid., 1.119.

58 Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2:346 – 47.

59 RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 8,1.139. (Mikoian was People’s Commissar of Trade until November 1930, at which time the Commissariat was renamed—and subdivided into two commissariats—and Mikoian became People’s Commissar of Supply.) See Gosudarstvennyi vlast’ SSSR. Vysshie organy vlasti i upravkniia i ikh rukovoditeli. 1923–1991: Istorikobiograficheskii spravochnik (Moscow, 1999), 423.

60 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 131–34; GARF f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,1. 231.

61 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 277,11. 36–40; GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,1. 389.

62 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 184–90.

63 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 115.

64 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944, 1. 115; f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796, 11. 229, 231, 388, 408–9; f. 393, op. la, d. 292,1. 48; f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4–2; RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 8,1. 163.

65 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4–2.

66 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 277,11. 62–67.

67 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,1. 23.

68 E.g., GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,1. 231; f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4 – 2 ; RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 8,1. 139. For more information on the fate of children in die special villages, see Lynne Viola, “’Tear the Evil From the Root’: The Children of the Spetspereselentsy of the North,” Studia SlavicaFinlandensia (Helsinki, 2000), 17:34–72.

69 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 152. (The age was soon revised to children under 10 but would be changed again on several occasions in later years.)

70 Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 504,11. 494–96.

71 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4–2.

72 Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2:526–29.

73 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1875, 11. 194–95. Published in Neizvestnaia Rossiia, 1: 221–22.

74 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1798, 1. 18. Published in Neizvestnaia Rossiia, 1:209–ll.

75 Severoles only signed a contract assuming responsibility for 25,000 settler families on 26 June. See GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 131–34. Only on 13 August, when the Tolmachev commission was dissolved, did the Russian Council of People’s Commissars transfer formal responsibility for special setders to die economic administrative agencies. See GARF, f. 393, op. la, d. 292,1. 82. See also Artemova, “Spetspereselentsy v Vozhegodskom raione,” for an interesting depiction of bureaucratic chaos.

76 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 97.

77 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1943,1. 69.

78 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 15,131–34.

79 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 163–64.

80 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1943,1. 41.

81 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,11. 5–9.

82 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 275,11. 3–7; GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 163–64.

83 VOANPI, f. 1855 (Vologodskii okruzhkom VKP), op. 1, d. 10,11. 11–13.

84 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 277,11. 36–40.

85 An explanatory note on “special colonization” in Siberia written in April 1930 and addressed to die Migration Administration under the all-union People’s Commissariat of Agriculture noted that it took about four years to prepare land for setders as opposed to months (which the current situation dictated), thus leaving the land completely unprepared for die setders. Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 5675 (Glavnoe pereselencheskoe upravlenie pri NKZ SSSR), op. 1, d. 23 (Materialy o pereselenii v Sibir’ i Severnyi krai), 11. 50–49.

86 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

87 See GAVO, f. 907 (Vozhegodskii RIK), op. 5, d. 10 (Akty obsledovanniia spetsposelkov Vozhegodskogo lespromkhoza v sviazi s peredachei ikh v vedenie OGPU) for information on the slow progress of land clearance.

88 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 275,11.1–2; also see Artemova, “Spetspereselentsy vVozhegodskom raione.“

89 Artemova, , “Spetspereselentsy v Vozhegodskom raione,” 196.Google Scholar

90 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,1. 450.

91 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 277,11. 28–29.

92 On the 1 September deadline, see GAVO, f. 395 (Vologodskii okruzh. Rabkrin), op. 1, d. 40,11. 166–70; VOANPI, f. 329, op. 1, d. 97,1. 3; f. 5, op. 1, d. 277,11. 28–29.

93 E.g., GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 776,1. 66; f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786,11. 4–2; f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 184–90; GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 15, 23; f. 399, op. 1, d. 218,11. 26–27, 52; VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 274,11. 63–64,114–18.

94 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,11. 80–83.

95 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 274,11. 114–18. “Labor days,” in this context, represented some combination of the number of workers and the number of days required.

96 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 277,11. 36–38.

97 See GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18; GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,11. 5–9.

98 OGPU gave its permission. GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1798,1. 154.

99 VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 274, 11. 114–18; GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182, 11. 5–9. In Vologodskii county, at least, these plans turned out to be wildly unrealistic. By December 1930, there were only 30 special villages in the county. See Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 504,1. 497.

100 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182, 11. 5–9; GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 12, 11. 1–8; GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

101 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 39,1. 22; f. 399, op. 1, d. 219, 11. 3–9, 18; GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

102 VOANPI, f. 1855, op. 1, d. 86,11. 32–33.

103 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

104 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 3–9.

105 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 39,11. 9–15, 16–20.

106 VOANPI, f. 1855, op. 1, d. 86,11. 19–27.

107 Ibid. For this reason, there were plans to settle two to three families of (local) nordiern kulaks in each special village to familiarize their new neighbors with local conditions. See GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1943,1. 42. (Whether this plan was ever realized remains unclear.)

108 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 3–9.

109 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 40,11. 163–64.

110 Ibid., 11. 174–77.

111 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 39,11.16–20; f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,11.127, 223; f. 399, op. 1, d. 219, 11. 51, 118; VOANPI, f. 329, op. 1, d. 97, 1. 9; f. 5, op. 1, d. 277, 1. 10; f. 5, op. 1, d. 278,11. 12–14.

112 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 98.

113 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 2–18.

114 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11.127,131–34,172; VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 278,1. 35; f. 1855, op. l, d. 86,11. 43–46.

115 Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 9, d. 45, 11. 120–34; Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Arkhangel’skoi oblasti (GAAO), f. 621 (Severnyi kraiispolkom), op. 3, d. 204,11. 1–21.

116 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 219,11. 259–60.

117 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1798,1. 224.

118 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 40,11. 155–59; f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,1. 127; VOANPI, f. 5, op. 1, d. 278,1.12.

119 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 40,11. 155–56.

120 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,1. 127.

121 GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1944,1. 100.

122 GARF, f. 374 (Rabkrin), op. 28, d. 4055, 11. 21–19; GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 192, 1.54.

123 Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2:602–3.

124 GAVO, f. 395, op. 1, d. 40,11. 157–59.

125 Ibid., 1.180.

126 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,1. 53.

127 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1796,11. 184–90.

128 VOANPI, f. 329, op. 1, d. 97,1. 9.

129 GAVO, f. 399, op. 1, d. 182,1. 477.

130 GARF, f. 393, op. 43a, d. 1798,1. 215.

131 Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 504, 11. 454–60; Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2: 784–85. For national statistics on flight, see GARF, f. 9414, op. 1, d. 1943,1. 103.

132 GARF, f. 1235, op. 141, d. 786, 11. 15–12; Tragediia, TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 504, 11. 498–507. There were a few instances of active resistance already in 1930. See, for example, the descriptions in Tragediia Sovetskoi derevni, 2:382–83.

133 GAVO, f. 907, op. 5, d. 10,11. 15–18.

134 Ibid., 11. 45–47.

135 Ibid., 11. 55–58.

136 Ibid., 11. 68–71. (That is, if all special setders visited the clinic, that would mean two visits per setder.)

137 GAAO, f. 621, op. 3, d. 269,11. 10–15. To put this statistic in perspective, an array of regional reports present the following total numbers of special setders in the north: in February 1933,126,176; in March 1933,120,178; and in August 1933,104,461. (The decline in figures is attributable to escapes and the return home of children and the elderly as well as deaths.) GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 1446,11. 16, 105–6; GAAO, f. 621, op. 3, d. 31,11. 26–27.

138 GAOPDF AO, f. 290, op. 1, d. 1446,11. 105–6.

139 Ibid., f. 290, op. 1, d. 1446,11. 6–7.

140 GAAO, f. 621, op. 3, d. 201,11. 251–49, 256–52, 273–67, 283–77; f. 621, op. 3, d. 268,11. 1–3; f. 621, op. 3, d. 269,1. 122.

141 RGASPI, f. 17, op. 120, d. 52,11. 20–21. By 1 August 1933, 31,548 settler families (104,461 people) remained in the north. GAAO, f. 621, op. 3, d. 31,11. 26–27. In 1934, a series of what had by this time been renamed trudposelki were closed down or merged due to dwindling nvimbers of setders in some of the villages. GAAO, f. 621, op. 3, d. 269,1.122; f. 621, op. 3, d. 342,11. 2, 8,14,19, 24. The famine took a devastating toll on the special settlers of the north. See GAAO, f. 621, op. 3, d. 201, 202, for illustration.

142 Fainsod, Merle, Smolensk under Soviet Rule (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 450.Google Scholar

143 See Holquist, Peter, ‘“Conduct Merciless Mass Terror’: Decossackization on the Don, 1919,” Cahiersdu Monderusse 38, nos. 1–2 (1997): 127–62;Google Scholar and Weiner, “Nature, Nurture, and Memory in a Socialist Utopia.“