1 Kliamkin, I. M., “The Paradoxes of Mass ‘Liberal’ Consciousness in Contemporary Russia,” Etika uspekha No. 2 (1994): 70–80Google Scholar as translated in Russian Politics and Law 33: 6 (1995): 21–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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9 The most interesting and widespread discussion in Russia is of the collection of essays published in 1909 as Vekhi(Landmarks)For the edited collection of essays and an Introduction on the impact of the essays on the current discussion of liberalism in Russia, see Vekhi (Landmarks): A Collection of Articles about the Russian Intelligentsia, trans, and ed. Shatz, Marshall S. and Zimmerman, Judith E. (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994).Google Scholar

10 Space limitations preclude a systematic discussion of Russian political parties which claim to be liberal in orientation. The focus here on the content of Russian political liberalism and the context in which it has emerged is based on the argument that the Russian discussion of the principles of political liberalism must be understood as a prelude to any analysis of the development of liberal political parties.

11 For the content of the Democratic Union program, see Slavin, B. F., ed., “Proekt programmy partii Democraticheskii Soiuz, vynesennyi na obshchepartiinuiu diskussiiu III s'ezdom DS,” Noveishie politicheskie partii i techeniia SSSR (Moskva: Institut Teorii i Istorii Sotsializma TsK KPSS, 1991), pp. 565–639.Google Scholar

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13 DemRossiia's constituent parties in late 1991 were the Democratic Party of Russia, the Republican party of Russia, the Social Democratic party of Russia, the Russian Christian Democratic Movement, the Free Democratic party and the Constitutional Democrats.

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18 See, for example, Kosmarskii, V. et al. , “Attitudes of the Population toward the Prospect of Making the Transition to a Market,” The Soviet Review 32: 4 (1991): 23–30Google Scholar, as translated from the original, “Otnoshenie naseleniia k perspektive perekhode k rynku,” Voprosy ekonomiki No. 7 (1990): 56–59.Google Scholar

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23 Shakhnazarov, Georgii, “Tri samoopredeleniia rossiiskoi demokratii,” Izvestia (15 11 1991), p. 4.Google Scholar

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26 Staniszkis, Jadwiga, The Dynamics of the Breakthrough in Eastern Europe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 215–48Google Scholar and Stokes, Gale, “The Social Origins of East European Politics,” in The Origins of Backwardness in Eastern Europe: Economics and Politics from the Middle Ages until the Early Twentieth Century, ed. Chirot, Daniel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 210–51.Google Scholar

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28 The last liberal in Yeltsin's cabinet, Anatoli B. Chubais, the deputy prime minister, who authored Russia's privatization program, was forced out after the win by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation of a plurality of seats in Russia's December 1995 parliamentary elections. Stanley, Alessandra, “A Key Reformer Resigns in Russia,” New York Times, 17 01 1996, p. 1.Google Scholar

29 Karapetian, Liudvig and Ebzeev, Boris, “Budushchii za bezpartiinost'iu,” Nezavisimaia Gazeta, 11 02 1994, p. 8.Google Scholar

30 For example, the Majority party, founded in February 1994, calls itself the “party of the middle class,” though its main goal is the creation of a middle class and a rule of law state. Gleb Cherkasov and Yelena Tregubova, “Challenges: Majority Party Wants to Defend the Middle Class,” Sevodnya (16 February 1994), p. 2 as translated in The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press 46: 7 (1994): 17–18Google Scholar. Russia's Democratic Choice, founded in June 1994 by Yegor Gaidar, is “devoted to the principles of liberalism,” specifically “the full exercise of individual rights in the economic sphere and a strong state as a guarantor of those rights.” Gleb Cherkasov and Dmitry Kuznets, Sevodnya (15 June 1994), p. 2 as translated in The Current Digest of the post-Soviet Press 46: 23 (1994): 1.Google Scholar

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33 The dilemma was formulated as such in a Roundtable discussion sponsored by the journal Problems of Philosophy. See “Risk istoricheskogo vybora v Rossii (materialy ‘kruglogo stola’), Voprosy filosofii No. 5 (1994): 3.Google Scholar

34 Liberal theory in the west is at its own crossroads. See Wolfe, Christopher and Hittinger, John P., Liberalism at the Crossroads: An Introduction to Contemporary Liberal Political Theory and Its Critics (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1994)Google Scholar; Lilla, Mark, “The Other Velvet Revolution: Continental Liberalism and its Discontents,” Daedalus 123: 2 (1994): 129–57.Google Scholar

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37 See Pantin, I. K., “Natsional'noi mentalitet i istoriia Rossii,” and comments in “Rossiiskaia mental'nost' (materialy ‘kruglogo stola’), pp. 35–36Google Scholar and Kantor, V. K. in the same roundtable discussion, p. 49–50Google Scholar, as well as Kosolapov, N. A., “Integrativnaia ideologiia dlia Rossii: intellectual'nyi i politicheskii vyzov,” Voprosy filosofii No. 1 (1994): 3–24.Google Scholar

38 For a discussion of the origins of the crisis, see Konstantinov, Vladimir, “Soblazn vlasti,” (an interview with sociologist Leonid Gordon) in Kuranti No. 5 (5 11 1991).Google Scholar

39 Goiman, V. I., “Zakonodatel'stvo rossiiskoi federatsii: teoreticheskie voprosy, problemy i perspektivy,” (krugly stol'),” Gosudarstvo i pravo No. 10 (1992): 3–25,14.Google Scholar

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43 Zdravomyslov, A. G., “Fundamental Problems of the Sociology of Conflict and the Dynamics of Mass Consciousness,” in Sociological Research 33:3 (1994): 54–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as translated from the original “Fundamental'nye problemy sotsiologii konflikta i dinamika massovogo soznania,” Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia No. 8 (1993): 12–21.Google Scholar

44 See Shlapentokh, Vladimir, Public and Private life of the Soviet People (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

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46 Nazarov, M. M., “On the Distinctive Features of Political Consciousness in the Post-Perestroika Period,” Sociological Research 33:3 (1994): 68–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as translated from the original “Ob osobennostiakh politicheskogo soznanie v postperestroechnyi period,” Sotsblogicheskie issledomniia No. 8, (1993):37–46.Google Scholar

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48 Medushevskii, “Demokratiia i tiraniia.” See Panarin, A. S., “Protsessy modernizatsii i mentalitet,” in “Rossiiskaia mental'nost',” Voprosy filosofii No. 1 (1994): 33–36Google Scholar for the argument against the relevance of liberalism in conditions of Russian modernization processes.

49 Chicherin argued that the political and economic principles of liberalism must be implemented by a strong and effective state which alone could protect Russia from external and internal disintegrating forces. See Erygin, , “Rossiiskii mentalitet i fenomen ‘zapadnichestva’ v russkoi kul'ture,’ pp. 48–49Google Scholar. For a discussion of Chicherin's conservative liberalism, see Walicki, Andrzej, A History of Russian Thought from the Enlightenment to Marxism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1979)Google Scholar and Hamburg, G. M., Boris Chicherin and Early Russian Liberalism, 1828–1866 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

50 Kagarlitsky puts Kiva in the category of authoritarians along with Migranian; see Kagarlitsky, Boris, Disintegration of the Monolith, pp. 39–40Google Scholar. Kiva, however, has far less of a refined program than the former and emphasizes in general terms the need for immediate broad social support for political rule, a support characterized in positive terms as populism. See Kiva, Aleksei, “Perespektivy Rossiiskogo liberalizma,” Nezavisimaia Gazeta (11 05 1994), p. 5.Google Scholar

51 Kiva, , “Perspektivy rossiiskogo liberalizma,” p. 5.Google Scholar

52 See Migranian, Andranik, “Avtoritarnyi rezhim v Rossii: kakovy perspektivy” Nezavisimaia Gazeta (4 11 1993), p. 1Google Scholar. Here Migranian justifies in the aftermath of the October 1993 storming of the renegade Russian parliament his theoretical model, formulated in 1989, which suggested that a period of authoritarianism was inevitable as Russia traversed the path from totalitarianism to democracy.

53 Quoted in Teague, Elizabeth, “Russian Government Seeks ‘Social Partnership,‘” RFE/RL Research Report 1: 25 (19 06 1992): 17–18Google Scholar. Jadwiga Staniszkis records a similar comment made by a candidate for the position of minister of industry in Poland. T. Syryjczyk, speaking before a parliamentary confirmation committee, said, “I represent subjects that do not yet exist.” Quoted in Staniszkis, , Dynamics of the Breakthrough in Eastern Europe, p. 184.Google Scholar

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57 Most representative of this view is Yakovlev, Alexander M., Striving for Law in a Lawless Land: Memoirs of a Russian Reformer (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1996).Google Scholar

58 “Zaiavlenie soveta liberal'noi fraktsii DPR,” unpublished mimeograph (8 February 1992).

59 This represents another historical theme of Russian liberalism. The liberal Russian intelligentsia in the nineteenth century was also fearful of releasing the “stikhiini” or destructive forces of the masses, one reason that they emphasized political liberties over broadly based social reforms.

60 These same moderate liberals, for example, opposed Yeltsin's military policies in Chechnya in the winter of 1994–1995 and criticized the president for not solving the crisis through negotiation and political means.

61 Zhukov, Boris, “'Okhota na ved'm strogo po litsenziiam,” Stolitsa No. 45 (1993): 1–3.Google Scholar

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66 For the programs of Russia's major political parties going into the December 1995 parliamentary elections, see McFaul, Michael and Petrov, Nikolai, eds., Previewing Russia's 1995 Parliamentary Elections (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1995).Google Scholar

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68 ibid.

69 Savateyeva, Irina, Izvestia (18 05 1994), p. 2Google Scholar, translated as “About Those Who Rule Us,” in Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press 46: 20 (1994) 8–9.Google Scholar

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71 Kiva, Aleksei, “Perspektivy rossiiskogo liberalizma,” p. 5.Google Scholar

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73 Whitefield, Stephen and Evans, Geoffrey, “The Russian Election of 1993: Public Opinion and the Transition Experience,” Post-Soviet Affairs 10:1 (1994): 38–60.Google Scholar

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76 Akhiezer, Aleksandr, “Russian Liberalism in the Face of Crisis,” pp. 56–70.Google Scholar

77 ibid., p. 57.

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85 Already in 1990, Dahrendorf, Ralf, in Reflections on the Revolution in Europe (New York: Random House, 1990)Google Scholar, hinted that political leadership must provide the critical foundation for democratization in East Central Europe and the then-USSR until that time when a constitution and civil society could be institutionalized. See pp. 98–99.

86 See Zubov, A. B. and Kolosov, V. A., “What Is Russia Seeking? Value Orientations of Russian Voters, 12 12 1993, Russian Social Science Review 37: 1 (1996): 3–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as translated from the original, “Chto ishchet Rossiia? Tsennostnye orientatsii rossiiskikh izbiratelei 12 dekabria 1993 goda,” Polis No. 1 (1994): 93–112.Google Scholar

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88 See Remington, Thomas F. and Smith, Steven S., “The Development of Parliamentary Parties in Russia,” Legislative Studies Quarterly 20:4(1995):457–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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93 Kuznets, Dmitry, “Positions: The Fate of the Constitution,” Sevodnya (27 11 1993), p. 2Google Scholar, as translated in The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press 45: 48 (1993): 4–6.Google Scholar

94 The most likely liberal candidate for this position going into the December 1995 Russian parliamentary elections was Grigorii Yavlinski, leader of the liberal Yabloko party. The poor showing of the party in the elections, however, {Yabloko received 45 seats in the 450 seat Duma, as compared to the 158 seats of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), does not bode well for the liberals.

95 Chuprinin, , “Choice: Notes of a Russian Liberal”p. 71.Google Scholar