¹ Benton, T., ‘The three cities compared: urbanism’, in Norman, D. (ed.), Siena, Florence and Padua. Art, Society and Religion 1280–14001 (Yale, 1995), 7–27, esp. pp. 8–9Google Scholar.

² Courcelle, J. and Courcelle, P., Iconographie de Saint Augustin. Les cycles du XTVe siècle (Paris, 1965)Google Scholar; Courcelle, J. and Courcelle, P., Iconographie de Saint Augustin. Les cycles du XVe siècle (Paris, 1969)Google Scholar.

³ Dale, S., ‘I veri figli di Agostino e gli affreschi della chiesa di Sant'Agostino a Gubbio’, in Centro Studi “Agostino Trapè” (ed.), Arte e spiritualità negli ordini mendicanti. Gli Agostiniani e il cappellone di San Nicolo a Tolentino (Rome, 1992), 151–64Google Scholar; Ahl, D. Cole, ‘Benozzo Gozzoli's frescoes of the Life of Saint Augustine in San Gimignano: their meaning in context’, Artibus et Historiae 7 (1986), 35–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Bettini, S. and Puppi, L., La chiesa degli Eremitani di Padova (Vicenza, 1970)Google Scholar; Courcelle and Courcelle, Iconographie de Saint Augustin. Les cycles du XlVe siècle (above, n. 2), 47–51. The standard work on Guariento, with full bibliography, remains, d'Arcais, F. Flores, Guariento (Venice, 1965) (second edition, Venice, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁵ Rano, B. (ed.), ‘Las dos primeras obras conocidas sobre el origen de la Orden Augustiniana’, Analecta Augustiniana 45 (1982), 329–76Google Scholar.

⁶ Arbesmann, R. (ed.), ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’, Augustiniana 4 (1956), 37–145Google Scholar.

⁷ Arbesmann, R. and Hümpfher, W. (eds), Jordani de Saxonia ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum (New York, 1943), esp. p. lviiiGoogle Scholar. The text is believed to have been brought to Padua by the Augustinian Bonaventura Badoer da Peraga, former professor of theology at Bologna.

⁸ See Frugoni, C., Francesco e l'invenzione delle stimmate (Turin, 1993)Google Scholar; Van Os, H., ‘St Francis of Assisi as a second Christ in early Italian painting’, Simiolus 7 (1974), 115–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Vicaire, M.H., St Dominic and his Times (London, 1964)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Cannon, J., ‘The creation, meaning and audience of the early Sienese polyptychs: evidence from the Friars’, in Borsook, E. and Gioffredi, F. Superbi (eds), Italian Altarpieces 1250–1350. Function and Design (Oxford, 1994), 41–62, esp. p. 51Google Scholar. As Elm has noted, to this list one could add the Servites, Hermits of Saint John, Antonites, Ambrosians, Jeronomites, Friars of the Holy Cross and the Sisters of the Order of Penance: Elm, K., ‘Augustinus canonicus — Augustinus Eremita. A Quattrocento cause célèbre’, in Verdon, T. and Henderson, J. (eds), Christianity and the Renaissance (Syracuse, 1990), 84–107Google Scholar. One could also cite the Humiliati who promoted the cult of a John of Meda, who is undocumented until the fourteenth century. See Andrews, F., ‘Principium et origo ordinis: the Humiliati and their origins’, The Church Retrospective (Studies in Church History 33) (1997), 149–61, esp. pp. 158–9Google Scholar.

¹¹ By Pope Alexander IV with the bull Licet ecclesiae catholicae of 9 April 1256. Van Luijk, B. (ed.), Bullarium Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini. Periodus formationis 1187–1256 (Wurzburg, 1964), 128–9Google Scholar.

¹² The Carmelites were similarly threatened. Emery, R.W., ‘The Second Council of Lyons and the mendicant orders’, Catholic Historical Review 39 (1953), 257–71, esp. pp. 258 and 261Google Scholar.

¹³ Elm, ‘Augustinus canonicus — Augustinus Eremita’ (above, n. 10), 91.

¹⁴ As is made clear in the opening lines of Henry of Friemar's Treatise: ‘Quia nonnulli ignorantes modum conversionis et actum conversationis gloriosissimi doctoris beati Augustini, singularis patris nostri et patroni, possent dubitare, ex qua ratione fratres nostrae religionis prae ceteris religiosis suam regulam profitentibus fratres ordinis eremitarum sancti Augustini specialiter dicerentur…’ — Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’ (above, n. 6), 90. Jordan of Quedlinburg reports a four-year struggle with the Canons Regular which necessitated the intercession of King John of Bohemia. Arbesmann and Hümpfher, Jordani de Saxonia ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum (above, n. 7), cap. I, 18, xvii and 64.

¹⁵ Gargan, L., Cultura e arte nel Veneto al tempo delPetrarca (Padua, 1978)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ On 11 March 1944, a group of Anglo-American bombs severely damaged the façade, the ceiling and the apses (with a direct hit on the Ovetari and Dotto chapels, and half of the main apse). The better known Ovetari chapel painted by Mantegna had just been photographed.

¹⁷ The body of Saint Anthony of Padua, famous for its politically-charged miracles, had been enshrined in the Franciscan church since 1231; indeed, the city had taken on Saint Anthony as a patron saint and had underwritten the cost of a new basilica. Gonzati, B., La Basilica di Sant'Antonio di Padova, 2 vols (Padua, 1852)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Rano, ‘Las dos primeras obras conocidas sobre el origen de la Orden Augustiniana’ (above, n. 5), 337.

¹⁹ These destroyed scenes included Christ on the way to Calvary, ‘Ecce Homo’, the Resurrection, Christ in limbo, and Christ entombed with the mourning Virgin Mary and Evangelists. As reported by Berenson, B., Italian Pictures of the Renaissance. Central Italian and North Italian Schools I (London, 1968), 204Google Scholar.

²⁰ Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance (above, n. 19), 204, wrongly identified Matthew as Mark.

²¹ Ryan, W. Granger (ed.), Jacobus da Voragine, The Golden Legend (Princeton, 1993), 267–8Google Scholar. The detail of a baptism may allude to his baptism of Simon the magician or of a black eunuch who was the chamberlain of Candace, queen of Ethiopia. Réau, L., Iconographie de l'art chrétien III (Paris, 1959), 1069Google Scholar.

²² Granger Ryan, Jacobus da Voragine (above, n. 21), 269–77.

²³ The last three were destroyed. Sears, E., The Ages of Man. Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle (Princeton, 1986), 110–13Google Scholar.

²⁴ Lavin, M. Aronberg, The Place of Narrative. Mural Decoration in Italian Churches, 431–1600 (Chicago and London, 1990), 161Google Scholar.

²⁵ Pallucchini, R., Lapittura veneziana del Trecento (Venice and Rome, 1964), 115Google Scholar, who also read the crucifixion as being Saint James's; Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance (above, n. 19), 204; Flores d'Arcais, Guariento (above, n. 4), 64; Bettini and Puppi, La chiesa degli Eremitani di Padova (above, n. 4), fig. 48. Only Courcelle and Courcelle, Iconographie de Saint Augustin. Les cycles du XTVe siècle (above, n. 2), 51 n. 2, identified the scene correctly.

²⁶ The Hermits are thought to have either built around this stone or translated it into the new structure. Bettini and Puppi, La chiesa degli Eremitani di Padova (above, n. 4), 82–3, favoured the first solution; Gasparotto, C., Il convento e la chiesa di S. Agostino dei Domenicani in Padova (Florence, 1967), 82 n. 17Google Scholar, proposed the second. A chapel was possibly under construction in 1259 when the Friars were granted the right to use a portable altar by Alexander IV. The church was probably finished in 1281 when the General Chapter met in Padua, and a new wooden roof was built in 1306. On the arrival of the Hermits in Padua, see Rigon, A., ‘Ricerche sull'eremitismo nel padovano durante il XIII secolo’, Annali della Facoltà di kttere e filosofia 4 (1979 (but 1980)), 217–53, 228–34Google Scholar. Portenari, A., Della Felicità di Padova (Padua, 1623), 450Google Scholar, reported a hermit church dedicated to Saints Philip and James in 1237, but his dating is often inaccurate. The first Friars may have been Giambonites. On the other chapel of Augustine, see Cozzi, E., ‘Gli affreschi della “Cappella Angelorum” agli Eremitani di Padova’, Arte Veneta 35 (1981), 27–40, esp. p. 39Google Scholar.

²⁷ The bishop of Padua blessed the first stone of the Dominican fabric on 27 October 1226 and the church was completed before the winter 1228–9. Gasparotto, Il convento e la chiesa di S. Agostino dei Domenicani in Padova (above, n. 26), 13–18, 46, 78.

²⁸ Gargan, L., ‘Libri di teologi agostiniani a Padova nel Trecento’, Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 6 (1973), 1–23, esp. p. 15Google Scholar.

²⁹ Rano, B., ‘San Agustin y su Orden en algunos sermones de agustinos del primer siglo (1244–1344)’, Analecta Augustiniana 53 (1990), 5–93Google Scholar.

³⁰ Reichert, B.M. (ed.), Gerardus de Fracheto, Vitae Fratrum Ordinis Praedicatorum, Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historical (Louvain, 1896)Google Scholar. Lippini, P. (ed.), Storie e leggende medievali. Le “Vitae Fratrum” di Geraldo diFrachet O.P. (Bologna, 1988)Google Scholar. Cited in Arbesmann and Hümpfner, Jordani de Saxonia ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum (above, n. 7), xlviii.

³¹ Rano, ‘Las dos primeras obras conocidas sobre el origen de la Orden Augustiniana’ (above, n. 5), 339.

³² Rano, ‘Las dos primeras obras conocidas sobre el origen de la Orden Augustiniana’ (above, n. 5), 367.

³³ Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’ (above, n. 6), 96.

³⁴ Arbesmann and Hümpfner, Jordani de Saxonia ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum (above, n. 7), I, chapter 7: 22–7.

³⁵ Chadwick, H. (ed.), Saint Augustine, Confessions (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar, VIII.xi (27)–VIII.xii (30) and IX.iv (13)–IX.vi (14).

³⁶ Chadwick, Saint Augustine, Confessions (above, n. 35), VIII. xi (30). An observation I owe to Dermot Cowper.

³⁷ Jordan of Quedlinburg referred to Augustine's conversion and baptism in general terms and without mentioning Ambrose. Arbesmann and Humpfher, jordani de Saxonia ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum (above, n. 7), 22–3.

³⁸ Ad fratres in heremo, sermo XXVII, PL, XL: 1,233–358: 82. The translation is in Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title” (above, n. 6), 49; see also Foran, E.A., The Augustinians: from St Augustine to the Union (London, 1938), 49Google Scholar.

³⁹ Rano, ‘Las dos primeras obras conocidas sobre el origen de la Orden Augustiniana’ (above, n. 5), 366–7; Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’ (above, n. 6), 92–3.

⁴⁰ Henry of Friemar, chapter 2, in Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’ (above, n. 6), 93–4. The translation is in Martin, T.F., ‘The Augustinian Order's first history’, The Tasastan 30 (1984), 195–222, at pp. 204–6Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Courcelle and Courcelle, Iconographie de Saint Augustin. Les cycles du XlVe siècle (above, n. 2), 51, maintain that it is the baptism of Augustine.

⁴² ‘We associated with us the boy Adeodatus, my natural son begotten of my sin … He was about fifteen years old …’, Chadwick, Saint Augustine, Confessions (above, n. 35), IX. vi (14); Rano, ‘Las dos primeras obras conocidas sobre el origen de la Orden Augustiniana’ (above, n. 5), 366; Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’ (above, n. 6), 46–50, 104–5; Granger Ryan, Jacobus da Voragine (as above, n. 21), 120, also recorded this.

⁴³ Dania, L. and Funari, D., S. Agostino, il santo nella pittura dal XIV al XVIII secolo (Acquaviva Picena, 1988), 144Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Courcelle and Courcelle, Iconographie de Saint Augustin. Les cycles du XIVe siècle (above, n. 2), 4, identified the two scenes as ‘des moines faisant profession, l'autre le pape Alexandre IV rassemblant dans l'Ordre des Ermites diverses congregations d'augustins’, but did not describe them.

⁴⁵ Henry of Friemar, chapter 2, in Arbesmann, ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the origin and development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its true and real title”’ (above, n. 6), 94–5; translation in Martin, ‘The Augustinian Order's first history’(above, n. 40), 207.

⁴⁶ Arbesmann and Hümpfher, Jordani de Saxonia ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum (above, n. 7), 1,7, 23.

⁴⁷ Alexander IV was mistaken for Alexander II, by Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance (above, n. 19), 204, and Flores d'Arcais, Guariento (above, n. 4), 64.

⁴⁸ B. Van Luijk (ed.), Bullarium Ordinis Eremilarum S. Augustini (above, n. 11), 129.

⁴⁹ Flores d'Arcais, Guariento (above, n. 4), 62.

⁵⁰ Flores d'Arcais, Guariento (above, n. 4), 65, summarized the debate.

⁵¹ Trexler, R., Public Life in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1980), 70Google Scholar, made a similar point about the ever changing location and cult of the Virgin Mary.

⁵² The scheme is universally attributed to Giusto de'Menabuoi. Luca Belludi was credited for the first time on this wall with a primary role in the miraculous victory of the city of Padua over the tyrant Ezzelino da Romano. See Baggio, L., ‘Aspetti della committenza e della decorazione pittorica nella cappella del Beato Luca Belludi’, Il Santo 28 (1988), 177–205Google Scholar; Semenzato, C. (ed.), La cappella del Beato Luca e Giusto de' Menabuoi nella Basilica di Sant'Antonio (Padua, 1988)Google Scholar.