Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-l7hp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T21:15:02.391Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Fine Balance: Negotiating fashion and respectable femininity in middle-class Hyderabad, India

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 July 2013

AMANDA GILBERTSON*
Affiliation:
University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Email: [email protected]

Abstract

Drawing on twelve months of fieldwork in suburban Hyderabad, this paper explores the double binds experienced by middle-class young women as they attempt to meet the competing demands of ‘respectable’ and ‘fashionable’ femininity. For middle-class women, respectability requires purposeful movement, demure posture and modest clothing when in public, as well as avoidance of lower-class spaces where men congregate. Status can, however, also be achieved through more revealing fashionable clothing and consumption in elite public spaces. Whilst respectability for some sections of the middle class necessitates avoidance of even platonic relationships with the opposite sex, upper middle-class informants encourage heterosociality and for some upper middle-class and elite youth pre-marital romance is a form of ‘fashion’ due to its location in high-status spaces of leisure and consumption. The tensions described in this paper reveal the fragmentation of Hyderabad's middle class and the barriers to social mobility experienced by women for whom the relationship between legitimate cultural capital and feminine modesty is becoming increasingly complex.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Fernandes, L. (2006). India's New Middle Class: Democratic Politics in an Era of Economic Reform, University of Minnesota Press, MinneapolisGoogle Scholar; Ganguly-Scrase, R. and Scrase, T. J. (2008). Globalization and the Middle Classes in India: The Social and Cultural Impact of Neoliberal Reforms, Routledge, New York.Google Scholar

2 Fernandes, India's New Middle Class, p. 89.

3 Nijman, J. (2006). ‘Mumbai's Mysterious Middle Class’. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 30:4, 758775CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Upadhya, C. (2011). ‘Software and the ‘New’ Middle Class in the ‘New India’’ in Baviskar, A. and Ray, R.Elite and Everyman: The Cultural Politics of the Indian Middle Classes, Routledge India, New Delhi, p. 174Google Scholar.

5 Upadhya, C. (2009) ‘India's ‘New Middle Class’ and the Globalising City: Software Professionals in Bangalore, India’ in Lange, H. and Meier, L.The New Middle Classes: Globalizing Lifestyles, Consumerism and Environmental Concern, Springer, New YorkGoogle Scholar.

6 Radhakrishnan, S. (2011). Appropriately Indian: Gender and Culture in a New Transnational Class, Duke University Press, DurhamCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Donner, H. and De Neve, G. (2011). ‘Introduction’ in Donner, H.Being Middle-Class in India: A Way of Life, Routledge, Abingdon, p. 14Google Scholar.

8 Liechty, M. (2003) Suitably Modern: Making Middle Class Culture in a New Consumer Society, Princeton University Press, PrincetonGoogle Scholar.

9 See, for example, Donner and De Neve, ‘Introduction’.

10 Chatterjee, P. (1993). The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories, Princeton University Press, PrincetonGoogle Scholar.

11 Radhakrishnan, Appropriately Indian, p. 79.

12 Ibid., p. 169.

13 Radhakrishnan, Appropriately Indian, Fuller, C. J. and Narasimhan, H. (2008) ‘Empowerment and Constraint: Women, Work and the Family in Chennai's Software Industry’, in Upadhya, C. and Vasavi, A. R.In an Outpost of the Global Economy: Work and Workers in India's Information Technology Industry, Routledge, London, pp. 190210Google Scholar; Upadhya, C. (2005). ‘Gender Issues in the Indian Software Outsourcing Industry’, in Gurumurthy, A., Singh, P. J., Mundkur, A. and Swamy, M.Gender in the Information Society: Emerging Issues, UNDP-AIDP and Elsevier New Delhi, pp. 7484Google Scholar.

14 Donner, H. (2008). Domestic Goddesses: Maternity, Globalization and Middle-Class Identity in Contemporary India, Ashgate, AldershotGoogle Scholar; Donner, H. (2011). ‘Gendered Bodies, Domestic Work and Perfect Families: New Regimes of Gender and Food in Bengali Middle-Class Lifestyles’ in Donner, H.Being Middle-Class in India: A Way of Life, Routledge, AbingdonGoogle Scholar.

15 Pseudonyms are used for schools and informants in this paper.

16 Dickey, S. (2012). The Pleasures and Anxieties of Being in the Middle: Emerging Middle-Class Identities in Urban South India. Modern Asian Studies, 46:3, 559599CrossRefGoogle Scholar; van Wessel, M. (2004). Talking about Consumption: How an Indian Middle Class Dissociates from Middle-Class Life. Cultural Dynamics, 16:1, 93116CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 All currency conversion is based on the xe.com exchange rate on 1 December 2011.

18 Béteille, A. (1996). ‘Caste in Contemporary India’ in Fuller, C.Caste Today, Oxford University Press, DelhiGoogle Scholar.

19 For example, Frøystad, K. (2005). Blended Boundaries: Caste, Class and Shifting Faces of ‘Hinduness’ in a North Indian City, Oxford University Press, DelhiGoogle Scholar.

20 Liechty, Suitably Modern.

21 Liechty, M. (2001). ‘Women and Pornography in Kathmandu: Negotiating the ‘Modern Woman’ in a New Consumer Society’, in Munshi, S.Images of the ‘Modern Woman’ in Asia: Global Media, Local Meaning, Curzon Press, London, p. 36Google Scholar.

22 Fuller, C. J. and Narasimhan, H. (2006). Engineering Colleges, ‘Exposure’ and Information Technology Professionals in Tamil Nadu. Economic and Political Weekly, 41:3, 260Google Scholar.

23 For a similar association between ‘broad-mindedness’ and educating daughters see De Neve, G. (2011). ‘“Keeping It in the Family”: Work, Education and Gender Hierarchies among Tiruppur's Industrial Capitalists’ in Donner, H.Being Middle-Class in India: A Way of Life, Routledge, Abingdon, pp. 8485Google Scholar.

24 For a discussion of similar practices of avoiding ‘small people’ see Frøystad. Blended Boundaries, pp. 109–111, 123–124.

25 Donner, ‘Gendered Bodies’, pp. 51, 54; Ganguly-Scrase and Scrase, Globalization and the Middle Classes, p. 177; Bénéï, V. (2008). Schooling Passions: Nation, History, and Language in Contemporary Western India, Stanford University Press, StanfordGoogle Scholar.

26 Lukose, R. (2009). Liberalization's Children: Gender, Youth, and Consumer Citizenship in Globalizing India, Duke University Press, Durham, pp. 80, 116CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Ibid., p. 80.

28 Derné, S. (1995). Culture in Action: Family Life, Emotion, and Male Dominance in Banaras, India, State University of New York Press, Albany, pp. 2627Google Scholar.

29 Jeffrey, C. (2010). Timepass: Youth, Class, and the Politics of Waiting in India, Stanford University Press, Stanford, pp. 99101Google Scholar. See also Osella, C. and Osella, F. (1998). Friendship and Flirting: Micro-Politics in Kerala, South India, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 4:2, 192193CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Favero, P. (2005). India Dreams: Cultural Identity among Young Middle Class Men in New Delhi, Dept. of Social Anthropology, Stockholm University, Stockholm, p. 193Google Scholar.

30 Caroline and Filippo Osella caution against interpreting sexualized remarks as simply a form of aggressive harassment through which gender hierarchies are performed. They describe ‘tuning’, a form of flirtation in which women can choose whether to interpret men's remarks as harassment or as an invitation for communication and may respond with verbal counter-attack. See Osella and Osella, ‘Friendship and Flirting’, pp. 192–195; Osella, C. and Osella, F. (2006). Men and Masculinities in South India, Anthem Press, London,Google Scholar pp. 101–109. Although the Osellas’ work was conducted in a rural context and so is not directly comparable, Ritty Lukose's work in a small town provides support for their arguments. She similarly observed that witty counter-insults are one way for women to deal with ‘eve teasing’ (Lukose, Liberalization's Children, pp. 84–85). My informants did not describe such responses to sexualized comments and I did not observe any instances of female counter-attack. Whilst I may have failed to observe the witty retorts of middle-class women in Hyderabad, I tend to agree with Yelvington and Donner that ‘eve teasing’ is an exertion of male power, something that is most evident in the double standards it involves—enhancing the reputation of men whilst damaging the reputation of women. Yelvington, K. A. (1999). Power/Flirting. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 5:3, 457460Google Scholar; Donner, H. (2012) ‘Between the Verandah and the Mall: Fieldwork and the Spaces of Femininity’ in Pardo, I. and Prato, G. B.Anthropology in the City: Methodology and Theory, Ashgate, Farnham, p. 185Google Scholar.

31 Churidaar are tightly fitting trousers worn with a kurta (long shirt) and chuni or dupatta (scarf or shawl). Salwaar kameez refers to a similar outfit but with looser trousers. In Hyderabad people often use the words churidaar and salwaar to refer to the whole outfit including the kurta and chuni/dupatta.

32 Donner, ‘Between the Verandah and the Mall’, pp. 184–185. See also Rogers, M. (2008). Modernity, ‘Authenticity’, and Ambivalence: Subaltern Masculinities on a South Indian College Campus, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 14:1, 7995CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Mankekar, P. (1999). Screening Culture, Viewing Politics: An Ethnography of Television, Womanhood, and Nation in Postcolonial India, Duke University Press, Durham, pp. 118, 144Google Scholar.

34 For a discussion of variations in the use of public space according to age and marital status, see Donner, H. (2006). ‘The Politics of Gender, Class and Community in a Central Calcutta Neighbourhood’ in De Neve, G. and Donner, H.The Meaning of the Local: Politics of Place in Urban India, Routledge, London, p. 149Google Scholar.

35 Donner, ‘Between the Verandah and the Mall’, p. 183.

36 Frøystad, Blended Boundaries, p.107–109.

37 Frøystad, K. (2006) ‘Anonymous Encounters: Class Categorization and Social Distancing in Public Places’ in De Neve, G. and Donner, H.The Meaning of the Local: Politics of Place in Urban India, Routledge, London, p. 170Google Scholar.

38 Liechty, Suitably Modern, p. 75.

39 Liechty, ‘Women and Pornography’, pp. 35–36.

40 Lukose. Liberalization's Children, p. 76.

41 van Wessel, M. (2011). ‘Cultural Contractions and Intergenerational Relations: The Construction of Selfhood among Middle-Class Youth in Baroda’ in Donner, H. Being Middle-Class in India: A Way of Life Routledge, Abingdon, p. 103Google Scholar.

42 For a discussion of how even the highly respectable sari can be worn in a suggestive or ‘loose’ way, see Joshi, O. P. (1992). ‘Continuity and Change in Hindu Women's Dress’ in Barnes, R. and Eicher, J. B.Dress and Gender: Making and Meaning in Cultural Contexts, Berg, New York, p. 221Google Scholar.

43 van Wessel, ‘Modernity and Identity’, p. 220.

44 For discussion of similar use of the word ‘fast’ in middle-class Hyderabad, see Säävälä, M. (2010). Middle-Class Moralities: Everyday Struggle over Belonging and Prestige in India, Orient Blackswan, New Delhi, p. 41Google Scholar. For examples of the association between arrogance and fashion in Kerala, see Lukose, Liberalization's Children, p. 66.

45 Tarlo, E. (1996). Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India, Hurst, London, p. 16Google Scholar.

46 For similar associations between women's appearance and conduct in Britain and the United States respectively, see Skeggs, B. (1997). Formations of Class and Gender: Becoming Respectable, Sage, London, p. 100Google Scholar; Ortner, S. B. (2006). Anthropology and Social Theory: Culture, Power, and the Acting Subject, Duke University Press, Durham, p. 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

47 Lukose, Liberalization's Children, p. 64.

48 Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments, p. 130.

49 De Neve ‘Keeping it in the family’. For more on self-chosen marriages, see Fuller, C. and Narasimhan, H. (2008). Companionate Marriage in India: The Changing Marriage System in a Middle-Class Brahman Subcaste, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 14:4, 736754CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Donner, H. (2002). One's Own Marriage: Love Marriages in a Calcutta Neighbourhood, South Asia Research, 22:1, 7994CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 Abraham, L. Bhai-Behen, True Love, Time Pass: Friendships and Sexual Partnerships among Youth in an Indian Metropolis, Culture, Health and Sexuality, 4:3, 337353CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lukose, Liberalization's Children.

51 Parry, J. (2001). Ankalu's Errant Wife: Sex, Marriage and Industry in Contemporary Chhattisgarh, Modern Asian Studies, 35:4, 783820CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Orsini, F. (2006). Love in South Asia: A Cultural History, Cambridge University Press, CambridgeGoogle Scholar.

53 Seymour, S. (1999). Women, Family and Childcare in India: A World in Transition, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 196Google Scholar.

54 For a discussion of new opportunities for opposite-sex socializing created by the software industry in Hyderabad, see Kapur, C. C. (2010). ‘Rethinking Courtship, Marriage and Divorce in an Indian Call Centre’ in Lamb, S. and Mines, D. P.Everyday Life in South Asia, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, p. 51Google Scholar.

55 This openness to interaction between young men and women is perhaps akin to the situation that Donner describes of a ‘more hedonistic subculture’ emerging within certain well-to-do Kolkata families who allow their children to mix relatively freely with their caste-class homogenous group of friends. See Donner, Domestic Goddesses, p. 87.

56 Samyukta. (2006). The Behenji Syndrome, IndiaTimes Blogs: http://o3.indiatimes.com/dearydiary/archive/2006/02/25/501557.aspx [Accessed 1 June 2013].

57 In Abraham's research with junior college (aged 16 to 18) and undergraduate (aged 20 to 22) students in Mumbai, there was similar disagreement about the levels of sexual intimacy involved in relationships. Some students reported that relationships are generally limited to kissing and hugging, whereas others described a form of relationship that lasted until the boy succeeded in having sexual intercourse with the girl (‘Bhai-behen’, p. 346). In Abraham's research, 47 per cent of males and 13 per cent of females reported having participated in ‘any sexual experience’ (from hugging to oral sex), while experience of vaginal sexual intercourse was reported by 26 per cent of males and three per cent of females (‘Bhai-behen’, p. 343).

58 Abraham, ‘Bhai-behen’; van Wessel, ‘Modernity and Identity’, p. 185.

59 For more on ‘timepass’ see Jeffrey, Timepass. Timepass often involves ‘roaming’ and hanging out at inexpensive roadside tea stalls, these are the kinds of behaviour not generally deemed appropriate for women, as discussed in earlier sections of this paper.

60 Twamley, K. (2010). ‘A Suitable Match: Love and Marriage Amongst Middle Class Gujaratis in India and the UK’, Ph.D., City University, London, p. 152Google Scholar.

61 Abraham, ‘Bhai-behen’, p. 347.

62 van Wessel, ‘Modernity and Identity’, p. 217; see also Srivastava, S. (2007). Passionate Modernity: Sexuality, Class and Consumption in India, Routledge, New Delhi, p. 194Google Scholar.

63 Ferguson, J. G. (1999). Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt, University of California Press, Berkeley, p. 214Google Scholar.

64 Simmons, C. (2009). Making Marriage Modern: Women's Sexuality from the Progressive Era to World War II, Oxford University Press, New York, pp. 108109CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Illouz, Romantic Utopia, p. 54; Hirsch, J. S. and Wardlow, H. (2006). ‘Introduction’ in Hirsch, J. S. and Wardlow, H. Modern Loves: The Anthropology of Romantic Courtship and Companionate Marriage, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, p. 14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Lukose, Liberalization's Children, p. 105.

66 van Wessel, ‘Modernity and Identity’, p. 33.

67 Chatterjee, The Nation, p. 120.

68 Radhakrishnan, Appropriately Indian, p. 50. See also Liechty Suitably Modern, pp. 75–76.

69 Such double binds are not unique to middle-class Hyderabad; James Ferguson (Expectations, pp. 224–225) reports that in the Zambian Copperbelt, humble locally-oriented wives ‘were likely to be stigmatized as unsophisticated and inferior to their more cosmopolitan husbands’, but were even more stigmatized on the grounds of respectability if they engaged in performances of ‘cosmopolitanism’, such as public drinking. In the United States, Sherry Ortner (Anthropology, p. 34) argues that whilst working-class girls are taken to be ‘sluts’ by middle-class sorority girls, they are taken by working-class men ‘to be agents of middle-class values and resented as such’.

70 Seizer, S. (2010). ‘Offstage with Special Drama Actresses in Tamilnadu, South India: Roadwork’ in Lamb, S. and Mines, D. P.Everyday Life in South Asia, Indiana University Press, BloomingtonGoogle Scholar.

71 Chakrabarty, D. (1991). Open Space/Public Place: Garbage, Modernity and India, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 14:1, 25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 Fernandes, India's New Middle Class, p. 60.

73 Ibid., p. 145.

74 Ibid., p. 144.

75 Chatterjee, P. (2003). ‘Are Indian Cities Becoming Bourgeois at Last?’ in Chandrasekhar, I. and Seel, P. C.Body City: Siting Contemporary Culture in India, Haus der Kulturen der Welt, BerlinGoogle Scholar.

76 Brosius, C. (2010). India's Middle Class: New Forms of Urban Leisure, Consumption, and Prosperity, Routledge, New Delhi, p. 141Google Scholar.

77 Carol Upadhya ‘India's ‘New Middle Class’’ p. 264.

78 Still, C. (2007). ‘Gender, Education and Status in a Dalit Community in Andhra Pradesh, South India’, Ph.D., London School of Economics, p. 229Google Scholar.