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22 One goal of this analysis is to preserve the details of the social interaction analyzed. The data displays here have been simplified for clarity in presentation, without phonetic spellings and using only a reduced set of the transcription conventions developed by Gail Jefferson. The appendix provides a glossary of the transcript symbols used here.Google Scholar

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28 It is notable that, although Jl's argument is not a narrative in a strict sense (he relates hypothetical, not actual, events), this technique of prefacing personal references with generic references is also employed in jurors' narratives of personal experience. Manzo, 13 Text. Google Scholar

29 Analysis of the criminal jurors' opening statements shows that most of those jurors stop short of voicing a particular vote, even though nearly all imply a preference in one direction or the other; cf. John Manzo, “The Social Organization of Talk and Experience in Jury Deliberations” ch. 3 (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1993).Google Scholar

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35 Which is not transcribe in detail. The use of nonstationary cameras and microphones in the taping of the criminal deliberation caused the “audience” in this talk sequence to be “off-mike.” Consequently, their responses are impossible to hear and transcribe accurately.Google Scholar

36 Cf. Steven E. Clayman, “Booing: The Anatomy of a Disaffiliative Response,” 58 Am.Soc. Rev. 110(1993).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37 J3 is an elementary-school teacher.Google Scholar

38 Zeno Vendler, Res Cogitons (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1972).Google Scholar

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40 Cf. id. at 467.Google Scholar

41 Schiffrin, “Everyday Arguments” (cited in note 5).Google Scholar

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44 Although there are several examples of jurors using such knowledge as a means of “offensive” argument, among which were most of the excerpts presented here.Google Scholar

45 Manzo, 13 Text (cited in note 20).Google Scholar

46 L. Hardwick & B. Ware, JUTOT Misconduct: Law and Litigation (New York: Clark Boardman, 1989).Google Scholar