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Worldly compromise in Thai Buddhist modernism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 June 2019

Abstract

Buddhist modernist movements transformed the religious practice and social engagement of one of the world's principal faiths in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. These movements produced diverse effects on Asian societies which, despite generic similarities, are best understood in particular socio-historical contexts. This article examines the work of a group of young Thai monks and laymen who had an ambitious aim to morally improve and empower people; and the practical adaptation of this impulse in a society in transition from absolute monarchy to constitutional democracy in the 1930s. Like many modernist movements, their work was innovative. But it also was an inheritance of religious and political history, and the Thai modernist case thus shows a contradiction between novelty and custom that was resolved in a way that blunted the movement's reformist energy.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 2019 

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Footnotes

The author greatly appreciates the helpful critiques and thoughtful readings of draft versions of this article by two anonymous readers prior to publication.

References

1 See Bechert, Heinz, ‘Buddhistic modernism: Present situation and current trends’, in Buddhism into the year 2000 (Bangkok: Dhammakaya Foundation, 1994), pp. 251–60Google Scholar. Also see McMahan, David L., The making of Buddhist modernism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; and Berkwitz, Stephen B., ‘The history of Buddhism in retrospect’, in Buddhism in world cultures: Comparative perspectives, ed. Berkwitz, S.B. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO 2006), pp. 144Google Scholar.

2 Important national histories that discuss Buddhist modernism are: Blackburn, Anne M., Locations of Buddhism: Colonialism and modernity in Sri Lanka (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Turner, Alicia M., Saving Buddhism: The impermanence of religion in colonial Burma (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hansen, Anne R., How to behave: Buddhism and modernity in colonial Cambodia 1860–1930 (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2008)Google Scholar; Edwards, Penny, Cambodge: The cultivation of a nation, 1860–1945 (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2008)Google Scholar; Snodgrass, Judith, Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West: Orientalism, Occidentalism and the Columbian exposition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Gombrich, Richard and Obeyesekere, Gananath, Buddhism transformed (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. For a critique of the generic characteristics of Buddhist modernism see Borchert, Thomas, ‘Worry for the Dai nation: Sipsongpanna, Chinese modernity, and the problems of Buddhist modernism’, Journal of Asian Studies 67, 1 (2008): 107–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 McMahan, Buddhist modernism, p. 57.

4 On the intellectual transformation: Jory, Patrick, Thailand's theory of monarchy: The Vessantara Jataka and the idea of the perfect man (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2016)Google Scholar; Winichakul, Thongchai, ‘Buddhist apologetics and a genealogy of comparative religion in Siam’, Numen 62, 1 (2015): 7699CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reynolds, Craig J., ‘Buddhist cosmography in Thai intellectual history’, in Seditious histories: Contesting Thai and Southeast Asian pasts, ed. Reynolds, C.J. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006), pp. 161–84Google Scholar; and Eeosiwong, N., ‘The life of the Buddha and the religious movement of the early Bangkok period’, in Nidhi Eoseewong, Pen and sail: Literature and history in early Bangkok, ed. Baker, Chris, Anderson, Benedict and Reynolds, Craig (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2005), pp. 255–86Google Scholar. For the administrative transformation: Ishii, Yoneo, Sangha, state and society: Thai Buddhism in history (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1986)Google Scholar; Tambiah, Stanley J., World conqueror and world renouncer: A study of Buddhism and polity in Thailand against a historical background (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Suksamran, Somboon, Buddhism and political legitimacy (Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University, 1993)Google Scholar; Jackson, Peter, Buddhism, legitimation and conflict (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1983)Google Scholar; and Tiyavanich, Kamala, Forest recollections: Wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

5 Buddhadasa Bhikkhu, Lao wai meua wai sonthaya, attachiwaprawat khong Than Phutthathat [Recalling life at twilight: The autobiography of Buddhadasa], interviewer Phra Pracha Phasanuthammano (Bangkok: Komol Thong Foundation, 1985), p. 113.

6 Wachirayan Warorot, Phutthaprawat (Life of the Buddha) (Bangkok: Makamakut Rajavidyalaya, 1980). Nidhi explains that Wachirayan's biography stemmed from a rationalist movement in nineteenth-century Thai Buddhism that went back to the founding of the Bangkok dynasty. Nidhi, ‘The life of the Buddha’.

7 See Ishii, Sangha, state and society, pp. 85–92; Wachirayan, comp., Navakovada, laksut naktham chan tri, phra niphon Somdet Phra Maha Samanajao Krom Phraya Wachirayan Waroros [Navakovada, instructions for newly-ordained bhikkhus and samaneras] (standard text for Dhamma students, 3rd grade) (Bangkok: Mahamakut Rajavidyalaya, 1999). It has been a bilingual Thai and English text since 1971.

8 Craig J. Reynolds, ed. and trans., Autobiography: The life of Prince-patriarch Vajiranana (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1979), i.

9 Wachirayan, Sasana doi prasong [Religion as you like it], royal cremation volume for Prince Thanom, 1920.

10 Ibid., p. 24.

11 Ibid., p. 32.

12 Ibid., p. 42.

13 Tomomi Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism and Buddhadasa Bhikkhu: A social history (Singapore: NUS Press, 2012), pp. 53–4.

14 Somdet Phra Phutthakosajan (Yannawaro Thera), Phutthathat Indapannyo and Phra Dunyaphak Suwaman, Sansomdet kap Phutthathat lae Phra Dunyaphak Suwaman [Letters with Buddhadasa and Phra Dunyaphak] (Bangkok: Thammasapha, 2010), p. 4.

15 Ibid., pp. 4–5.

16 Phra Phutthakosajan, ‘Sampachanya Katha’, Thammajaksu 19, 2 (1933): 90–98. This article was originally a radio broadcast that Phra Phutthakosajan delivered on 5 Oct. 1933.

17 Phra Phutthakosajan, ‘Thammarakhana’, in ibid., pp. 45–55.

18 Buddhadasa, Lao wai, pp. 26–7, 42–3.

19 Suchira Payulpitack, ‘Buddhadasa's movement: An analysis of its origins, direction and social impact’ (PhD diss., Universität Bielefeld, 1991), pp. 74–5.

20 Sumali Viravong, Roi kaeo naeo mai khong Thai, pho. so. 2417–2453 [New directions in Thai prose, 1874–1910] (Bangkok: PEN International Thailand Centre, 1987).

21 The latter brought him to grief; from the age of 41 Thianwan spent nearly 17 years in jail for allegedly criticising the king. He was publicly caned 50 times before being sent to gaol. Thongchai Likitpornasawan, ‘Introduction’, in Ruam ngankhian khong Thianwan [Collected works of Thianwan] (Bangkok: Tonchabap, 2001), iv.

22 Ibid.

23 Buddhadasa, Lao wai, p. 114.

24 Buddhadasa recalled years later: ‘I couldn't understand most of [what I read]. I didn't have the patience to read [English books] because I had to open the dictionary so often.’ Ibid., p. 127.

25 On the Anagarika see: Alan Trevithick, The revival of Buddhist pilgrimage at Bodh Gaya (1811–1949): Anagarika Dharmapala and the Mahabodhi temple (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2006); Kahawatte Siri Sumedha, Anagarika Dharmapala, a glorious life dedicated to the cause of Buddhism (Sarnath: Maha Bodhi Society of India, 1999). On Lokanatha: National Archives (NA) of Thailand, SR.0201.10/24, Lokanatha's letter to King Prajadhipok, 26 Dec. 1933, and to Prime Minister Phahon, 27 Dec. 1933; and ‘Phra Thai and Phra Phama pranam Phra Lokanath, Phra Thai dern thang klap’ [Thai and Burmese monks censure Lokanatha, Thai monks return to Siam], Buddhasasana 2, 2 (1934): 290–94; ‘The pilgrimage to Rome’, Bangkok Times, 26 June 1934.

26 Buddhadasa, Lao wai, p. 130; Buddhadasa, ‘Thammai mai pai kap Phra Lokanatha’ [Why I did not go with Lokanatha], Buddhasasana 2, 1 (May 1934): 210–12.

27 Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, pp. 35, 56–7.

28 The figure of 55,000 is in Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, p. 19, referencing Phra Maha Thongsup in Thammajaksu 20, 3 (1934): 259–74. Maha Thongsup was a parian nine scholar, director of Mahamakut Academy's textbook division, and a committed rationalist. He became a good friend to Buddhadasa and in 1937 adopted one of Buddhadasa's writings for use in the curriculum. Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, p. 54.

29 Dhammadasa, ‘Phutthasasana charoen rung ruang ying nai samai keung Phutthasasana Kalani’ [Buddhism has progressed greatly in the mid-point of the faith], Buddhasasana 1, 1 (1933): 2–6; ‘Thaleangkan khong Khana Thammathan’ [Announcement of the Khana Dhammadana], Buddhasasana 1, 1 (1933): 6–11.

30 Buddhadasa, quoted in Peter A. Jackson, Buddhadasa: Theravada Buddhism and modernist reform in Thailand (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2003), pp. 213, 212.

31 Buddhadasa, ‘Ruang kantamroi Phra Arahant’ [Following the steps of the Arahant], Buddhasasana 1, 1 (1933): 4; Dhamma practice section.

32 Phra Sasanasophon (Jem Jittasalo), ‘Namokan thesana’, in Phra Sasanasophon, Samothan thesana (Cremation volume for Luang Songkhla Nakharin, 1937), p. 23.

33 Tambiah, World conqueror, p. 209.

34 Thanissaro Bhikkhu, ‘The traditions of the noble ones: An essay on the Thai forest tradition and its relationship with the Dhammayut hierarchy‘, Apr. 2005; https://www.dhammatalks.org/Archive/Writings/CrossIndexed/Uncollected/MiscEssays/The%20Traditions%20of%20the%20Noble%20Ones.pdf (accessed 21 Dec. 2018); Tiyavanich, Forest recollections, pp. 172–97; Taylor, Forest monks, pp. 40–74.

35 Tambiah, World conqueror, p. 209.

36 Mahamakut Rajawithayalai 100 pi [100 years of Mahamakut College], p. 83. Chulalongkorn commissioned a survey of practitioners at important meditation temples that tested claims to higher spiritual powers. The surveyed population could prove none, and the Bangkok religious reformers remained noncommittal about such powers’ attainability. Thanissaro Bhikkhu, ‘The traditions of the noble ones’, p. 11.

37 A Bangkok administrator wrote to the government in 1932 that Srivichai was ‘more powerful than any northern lord’. Phra Suriyanuwat, July 1932 letter to Bangkok, in NA, SR0201.8/20. On Srivichai's career and tangle with the authorities, see: NA, SR0201.8/20; SR0201.10/61 (prime minister's office files); Charas Khosanand, Phra Khruba Jao Srivichai, Ariyasongh haeng Lanna [Khruba Srivichai, noble monk of Lanna] (Bangkok: Fueangfa, 2006); Katherine A. Bowie, ‘Of Buddhism and militarism in northern Thailand: Solving the puzzle of the saint Khruubaa Srivichai’, Journal of Asian Studies 73, 3 (2014): 711–32.

38 Paul T. Cohen, ‘Charismatic monks of Lanna and Isan’, in Charismatic monks of Lanna Buddhism, ed. P.T. Cohen (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2017), p. 59.

39 Indeed, Wachirayan was sympathetic to the northern monk and impressed with his zeal, and thought he only needed to be educated in the ways of Bangkok power. Letter from Wachirayan to Krommeun Chinaworasiriwat, head of central Sangha, 15 June 1920, in Charas, Phra Khruba Jao Sivichai, pp. 74–6.

40 Buddhadasa, ‘Kankratham thi riak wa patibat Tham’ [The action called Dhammic practice], Buddhasasana 3, 1 (May 1935): 469–517.

41 Buddhadasa, ‘Ganthadura = pariyatham’ [Dhammic study = Dhammic practice], Buddhasasana 2, 3 (Nov. 1934): 340.

42 Jackson, Buddhadasa, pp. 250–51.

43 The larger civil service group in the early years is surveyed in Thiwaporn Apaipat, ‘“Khon di samkhan kwaa thuk sing”: Yattham kap kansang yomrap Phutthathat Bhikkhu nai sangkhom Thai, 2475–2529” [‘Good people are the most important’: Followers and the establishment of acceptance of Buddhadasa Bhikkhu in Thai society, 1932–1986) (PhD diss., Chulalongkorn University, 2017), pp. 81–107.

44 Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, pp. 60–69.

45 Turner, Saving Buddhism, p. 76.

46 Sanya to Buddhadasa, 13 Jan. 1938/2481, in Phutthathat Indapannyo and Sanya Thammasak, 100 pi roi chotmai Phutthathat-Sanya [100 years, 100 letters of Buddhadasa–Sanya] (Bangkok: Plain Readers, 2007), pp. 57–61.

47 Buddhadasa to Sanya, 23 Feb. 1938, in ibid., p. 73.

48 Buddhadasa to Sanya, 29 Jan. 1938, in ibid., p. 63.

49 Buddhadasa to Sanya, 23 Feb. 1938, in ibid., p. 76.

50 Buddhadasa to Sanya, 29 Jan. 1938, in ibid., pp. 62–9. Sanya later wrote dispiritedly that young people he spoke with were happy to trash the mission schoolmasters’ assertions of Christianity's superiority, but were unable to give any counterarguments. When pressed on what made Buddhism better, they were stumped. Sanya concluded that they didn't understand their own faith. Sanya to Buddhadasa, 23 Apr. 1939, in ibid., pp. 87–8.

51 Jackson, Buddhadasa, p. 130.

52 Nidhi, ‘The lives of the Buddha’, pp. 249–53; Christine Grey, ‘Thailand: The soteriological state’ (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1986), pp. 49–50; Jackson, Buddhadasa, pp. 17–32.

53 Bunchuan, ‘Sonthana kap nai hetphon’ [Conversation with Mr. Logic], Buddhasasana 4, 3 (Nov. 1936): 310.

54 Chit Phibanthen, Chiwit lae ngan khong Phutthathat [Life and works of Buddhadasa] (Bangkok: n.p., 1977), p. 48.

55 Pridi Banomyong, Pridi by Pridi: Selected writings on life, politics, and economy, trans. Chris Baker and Pasuk Phongpaichit (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2000), p. 196.

56 Duen Bunnag, Kham athibai kotmai rathamanun, lem 1 [Explanation of constitutional law, vol. 1] (Bangkok: Nitisat, 1934), p. 157.

57 See Charnvit Kasetsiri and Thamrongsak Petchlert-anand, Patiwat 2475 [1932 Revolution in Siam] (Bangkok: Textbooks Project, 2004); Nakharin Mektrairat, Kanpatiwat Syam [The Thai Revolution] (Bangkok: Fadiaokan, 2017); Nattapoll Chaiching, Khofanfai nai fan an leua cheua [May we dream a dream beyond belief] (Bangkok: Fadiokan, 2014).

58 Pridi Banomyong, ‘The People's Party and the democratic revolution of 24 June (1982)’, in Banomyong, Pridi by Pridi, pp. 153–4.

59 Arjun Subrahmanyan, ‘Buddhism, democracy and power in the 1932 Thai revolution’, Asian Studies Review 41, 1 (2016): 40–57.

60 Buddhadasa Bhikkhu, Phutthatham kap jetanarom khong prachathipatai [Buddhism and the spirit of democracy] (Nonthaburi: Wuthitham Foundation, n.d. [1947]).

61 Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, p. 171.

62 Ibid., pp. 166–82.

63 Buddhadasa to Sanya, 14 May 1939, in 100 pi, p. 92.

64 Tamara L. Loos, Subject Siam: Family, law and colonial modernity in Thailand (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006).

65 Tomas Larsson, ‘In search of liberalism: Ideological traditions, translations and troubles in Thailand’, Sojourn 32, 3 (2017): 531–61.

66 Kullada Kesboonchoo-Mead, The rise and decline of Thai absolutism (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004).

67 Nakharin Mektrairat, Khwamkhit, khwamru lae amnat thang kanmuang nai kanpatiwat Syam 2475 [Thought, knowledge and political power in the Siamese Revolution of 1932] (Bangkok: Fadiokan, 2017), p. 130.

68 The pattern of legal professionals being appointed to executive leadership after abrupt depositions of an existing order has recurred in Thai history. In the 1970s after acute crises, three lawyers — Sanya (Oct. 1973–Jan. 1975), Seni Pramoj (Feb.–Mar. 1975) and Thanin Kraivixien (Oct. 1976–Oct. 1977) acted as prime ministers. Kasetsiri and Petchlert-anand, Patiwat 2475, p. 19; and Chris Baker and Pasuk Phongpaichit, A history of Thailand (New York: Cambridge, 2005), p. 27.

69 Munithi Nitisat, Thammasat University, 7 rop Achan Sanya [Seven cycles of Achan Sanya] (Bangkok: Thammasat University, 1991); Nitisat Paisal, ’Fuekfon Tua Eng’ [Training the self], in Anuson nai praratchathanplergnsop Nitisat Paisal [Royal cremation volume for Nitisat Paisal] (Bangkok, 1967).

70 Federico Ferrara, ‘Unfinished business’, in‘Good coup’ gone bad: Thailand's political developments since Thaksin's downfall, ed. Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Singapore: ISEAS, 2014), p. 27.

71 Sorasak Ngamcachonkulkid, ‘The Seri Thai movement, the first movement against military dictatorship in modern Thai history’ (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, Madison, 2005), p. 167.

72 Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, p. 63.

73 Buddhadasa to Sanya, in 100 pi, p. 93.

74 Saneh Chamarik, Kanmuang Thai kap pathanakan rathamanun [Thai politics and constitutional development] (Bangkok: Textbooks Project, 2006), pp. 115–34.

75 Nattapoll Chaiching, Kabot Bowondet: Buangrek patiraks patiwat Syam 2475 [The Bowondet rebellion: First phase of the enemies of the 1932 revolution] (Bangkok: Matichon, 2016).

76 Puli Fuwongcharoen. ‘Khana kanmuang’ lang kanpatiwat syam: Pholawat, patthanakan lae chathakam khong rabop rai phak [Political parties after the Siamese revolution: Dynamics, development and fate of the no party system] (Bangkok: Thammasat University, 2017), pp. 81–6.

77 Phuthorn Phumadhon, ‘Kanseuksa san piset (pho. so. 2476, 2478, 2481)’ [A study of the special courts of 1933, 1935 and 1938] (Masters’ thesis, Chulalongkorn University, 1987).

78 Luen Saraphaiwanich, Fanrai khong khappajao [My nightmare] (Bangkok: Saraphai, 1969), p. 110.

79 Anuson nai ngan sadet phraratchadamnern phraratchathan plerngsop Phraya Latphli Dhammaphrakhan (Wong Latphli) [Royal cremation volume for Wong Latphli] (Bangkok, 1968).

80 Wiwat Catithammanit, Kabot santiphap [Peace rebellion] (Bangkok: Khopfai, 1996).

81 Ito, Modern Thai Buddhism, p. 182. The peace movement attracted several Buddhist monks, and a Sangha division was organised within the broader movement by the communists in May 1951 to build the network. Somsak Jeamteerasakul, ‘Phak communit haeng Prathet Thai kap kabot santiphap’ [The Communist Party of Thailand and the peace revolt] in Keung sattawat khabuankan santiphap [Half-century of the peace movement], ed. Chonthira Sattyawattana (Bangkok: Mekh khao, 2002), p. 163.

82 Yimprasert, Suthachai, Phen ching chat Thai [The struggle over the nation] (Bangkok: 6 Tula ramleuk, 2010), pp. 214–22Google Scholar.

83 Suwannachot, Saman, Prawat kantosu khong nakseuksa thammasat lae kanmuang [The history of struggle by Thammasat students] (Bangkok: Thammasat Political Science Association and Political Science Group, 1974), pp. 2330Google Scholar; Catithammanit, Kabot santiphap, pp. 251–3.

84 Early examples are: Pramoj, Seni (Malaengwi, pseud), Buanglang prawatisat [Behind History] (Bangkok: Publishing Cooperative, 1947)Google Scholar; and Girivat, Luy, Prachathipatai 17 pi [17 years of democracy] (Bangkok: Odeon Store, 1949)Google Scholar. More recently, Numnonda, Thamsook, Lakhon kanmuang 24 Mithunayon 2475 [Political theatre, 24 June 1932] (Bangkok: Samakhom prawatisat, 1992)Google Scholar; Chamarik, Kanmuang Thai.

85 Streckfuss, David, Truth on trial in Thailand: Defamation, treason, and lèse majesté (London: Routledge, 2011), pp. 113–36Google Scholar.

86 Nidhi Eosriwong, ‘Rathamanun Chabap Watanatham Thai’ [The Thai Cultural Constitution], in Eosriwong, Nidhi, Chat Thai, muang Thai, baeprian lae anusawari [Thai nation, Thai state, school primers and monuments] (Bangkok: Matichon, 2004), pp. 125–55Google Scholar.

87 Grey, ‘Thailand’, pp. 58–60.

88 Buddhadasa, ‘Ruang kantamroi Phra Arahant’, p. 14.

89 Jackson, Buddhadasa, pp. 210–13.

90 Ibid., p. 236.

91 Sulak, quoted in Jackson, Buddhadasa, p. 244.