^{page 74 note 1} Villagers were interested in discussing modern agricultural techniques which they had either accepted in whole or in part, or rejected. They were in surprising agreement on approximate time of awareness of a new technique or tool and the period roughly elapsing between this exposure and acceptance or continued rejection.

^{page 74 note 2} For a discussion see Bender, Donald E., “Population and Productivity in Tropical Forest Bush Fallow Agriculture”, Culture and Population: A Collection of Current Studies, ed. Polgar, Stephen (Chapel Hill: Carolina Population Center Monograph 9, 1971), pp. 32–40.Google Scholar

^{page 74 note 3} For example, White, Leslie, The Evolution of Culture (New York, 1959) pp. 52Google Scholar, 289, 293; Harner, Michael J., “Population Pressure and the Social Evolution of Agriculturalists”, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, XXVI (Spring, 1970), 67–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 74 note 4} For example, Boserup, Ester, The Conditions of Agricultural Growth (Chicago, 1965)Google Scholar; Netting, Robert M., Hill Farmers of Nigeria (Seattle, 1958)Google Scholar; Basehart, Harry W., “Cultivation Intensity, Settlement Patterns and Homestead Farms among the Matengo of Tanzania”, Ethnology, XII (January, 1973), 57–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 74 note 5} Geertz, Clifford, Agricultural Involution: The Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia (Berkeley, 1970).Google Scholar

^{page 74 note 6} Bnder, op. cit.

^{page 75 note 7} Boserup,op. cit. Note that Boserup's discussion of agricultural innovations such as the plow is based on a comparison of shifting forest cultivation of root crops, where fire, axe and hoe and long fallow are practiced, with permanent short fallow cultivation of cereals where a primitive plow and draught animal are used. Thus she discusses well defined types and states that her model is most applicable to cold humid climates (p. 34). I am testing her generalizations for their applicability to a hybrid case where permanent short fallow rice hoe cultivators in a tropical climate are beginning to mix plow with hoe cultivation.

^{page 75 note 8} ibid., pp. 35–55.

^{page 75 note 9} Much of the data presented in this and the following two sections are more fully discussed inLewis, Diane K., “The Minangkabau Malay of Negri Sembilan: A Study of Socio-Cultural Change” (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, Ithaca, 1962)Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 10} Figures compiled for the 1957 census by the Inas district headman, or ketua kampong.

^{page 76 note 11} According to Haji Abu, Kuala Pilah district agricultural officer, Inas soil falls in the medium type of the granite series (personal communication, 1958).

^{page 76 note 12} See Nathan, J. E. and Winstedt, R. O., Johol: Inas, Ulu Muar, Jempul, Gunong Pasir and Terachi (Kuala Lumpur: Papers on Malay Subjects, 1920Google Scholar, reprinted 1941). In 1895 the records indicate that 181 land grants were issued in Inas. The estimated number of inhabitants at that time is calculated by extrapolating figures on age and sex ratios from later census reports.

^{page 76 note 13} Reported by theketua kampong.

^{page 78 note 14} During this period land scarcity had a direct impact on residence and land tenure for some households. In one village, for example, three women were living in virilocal rather than uxorilocal residence. These were Negri Sembilan women marriedto Inas men who lacked land in their natal villages and were temporarily leasing riceland from their husbands' female relatives. Land scarcity was also leading to increasing reliance on cash. Approximately 40 percent of the village women produced insufficient rice for year-round household consumption, depending primarily on husbands to provide cash to buy rice. In certain households, this situation tended to affect the balance of power between a man and his wife and her male kin.

^{page 78 note 15} Three varieties favoured in Inas were known asserendah kuning, serendah putih and padi cheminah.

^{page 79 note 16} This is a mixture of water, rice and herbs used in conjunction with incantations to placate or exorcise evil spirits.

^{page 79 note 17} I was unable to determine whether the branch and rice packets originally represented an offering to the spirits or were meant to simulate a rich harvest through magical association.

^{page 80 note 18} Haji Abu,op. cit., reported there was much greater receptivity to agricultural change outside of Negri Sembilan.

^{page 81 note 19} It is my impression that the fields of those who used the plow were not significantly largerthan those who did not. Unfortunately this impression was not carefully checked.

^{page 81 note 20} A working day is four hours during this stage of the agricultural cycle.

^{page 82 note 21} Boserup, Ester, Woman's Role in Economic Development (London, 1970), pp. 34–35.Google Scholar

^{page 84 note 22} This is a hand operated device which splits husks by friction between two revolving surfacesof clay embedded with wooden chips.

^{page 85 note 23} Most village income derived from rubber and varied with the world market. Village work, alsotended to be intermittent and seasonal, as noted below.

^{page 85 note 24} Data on income was collected by the author in a 1958 village survey.

^{page 85 note 25} The termsharikat menyeraya is used in some parts of the Malay Peninsula to refer to a cooperative society. However, in Inas, people distinguish betweenmenyeraya, the traditional cooperative work group, and sharikat, the modern cooperative work group.

^{page 86 note 26} Haji Abu, op. cit.

^{page 89 note 27} A considerable number of the smallholdings in Inas had either very old trees or recently planted trees which were not yet mature enough to yield.

^{page 89 note 28} Negri Sembilan men ideally join the Army or Police when they first marry, living away from the village for several years while they save money to buy rubberland on their return. In 1957–58, entrance into the military and police was increasingly competitive and difficult to accomplish. Five of the village women reported to be living elsewhere were married to men with such jobs. Furthermore, only three resident males were regularly employed, two by local branches of government departments and one by a rubber estate.

^{page 89 note 29} The scarcity of sufficient cash was illustrated by the villagers' response to the question whether they would like to have electricity. Invariably they answered, “No, the oil lamps are good enough … electricity would just require more money.”

^{page 89 note 30} To what extent the rules, derived in part from conceptual models consciously used by the people, were part of their psychological reality is an interesting question. For a discussion see Burling, Robbins, “Rules in Linguistics and Ethnography”, Culture and Cognition:Rules, Maps and Plans, ed. Spradley, James (San Francisco, 1972), p.97.Google Scholar I agree with Burling that the value of such formulations rests on whether they help us understand people's actions.