^{page 253 note 1} On the twelve Mahalellar of Yalowadj see J.R.S. ii, p. 102.

^{page 254 note 1} For the date of the foundation of Antioch see Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 268, and Calder in J.R.S. ii, p. 80. It is differentiated by its title from the other Pisidian colonies, which are known to have been founded at a rather later date. C.I.L. ii, 6843, shows either that it was in existence at least two years before the death of Drusus in 9 B.C. or that it was founded in 11 B.C.

^{page 254 note 2} In a letter quoted by Sir W. M. Ramsay in The Expositor for November, 1912. The parallels cited are C.I.L. iii, 551; xiv, 3606; vi, 1403; ix, 4197.

^{page 255 note 1} Tacitus, Annals, iv, 46: compare xii, 16.

^{page 256 note 1} Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii, 913, 928; hence Liebenam, Städteverwaltung im römischen Kaisereiche, p. 261, n. 4.

^{page 256 note 2} C.I.L. iii, 605.

^{page 256 note 3} C.I.L. iii, 6809.

^{page 256 note 4} C.I.L. ii, 3417 = Dessau, Inscr. Lat. Sel. 840, who cites other evidence.

^{page 256 note 5} C.I.L. iii, 14712.

^{page 256 note 6} C.I.L. x, 3910.

^{page 256 note 7} A coin of Parium, which Liebenam, following Eckhel, wrongly attributes to Corinth, mentions Q. Barbatius as praefectus of the duoviri M. Barbatius and M. Acilius. It does not seem to me, however, that this case is parallel to those quoted above: cf. Brit. Mus. Cat. Corinth, introd. p. xxxix.

^{page 256 note 8} Strabo, p. 569.

^{page 257 note 1} Mommsen, Res gestae divi Augusti, pp. 161–178.

^{page 257 note 2} C.I.L. iii, 6974 = 12217, 14185, 14401; W. M. Ramsay, Was Christ born at Bethlehem, pp. 242–248. It seems clear that the man was Cornutus (not Cornelius) Aquila; in any case, nothing else is known of him.

^{page 257 note 3} C.I.L. iii, pp. 406, 407.

^{page 257 note 4} A boundary stone is set up “per Rutilium Gallicum cos. pont. et Sentium Caecilianum praetorem legatos Aug.” Cagnat, Comptes rendus de l'Acad. xxii (1894), p. 43; A.E. 1912, no. 151.

^{page 257 note 5} That the war lasted two years is probable from the two ‘supplications’ (Ramsay in Was Christ born in Bethlehem, p. 231).

^{page 258 note 1} Tacitus, Annals, iii, 22.

^{page 258 note 2} Strabo, p. 557.

^{page 259 note 1} C.I.L. xi, 3612.

^{page 259 note 2} He bases his theory on Hirschfeld, Verwaltungs-beamten p. 458, n. 1, who quotes, for examples, C. Pontius Aug. lib. Gemellus and M. Macrius Trophimus Aug. lib.

^{page 259 note 3} C.I.L. vi, 9003, 9004.

^{page 259 note 4} Tacitus, Agricola, 40.

^{page 259 note 5} C.I.L. iii, 6852. The names are Hamyrus, Agapetus, Haptus, Faustus, Valens, Pothus, Flaccus, Felix, all being Gaii Caristanii.

^{page 260 note 1} I.G.R. iii, 512, from Cadyanda; 555, from Tlos, and 729, in which the name and titles of Domitian were correctly restored, from Limyra: ibid. 600, from Antioch, for which see below, mentions his wife, and 511 a son, C. Caristanius Paulinus.

^{page 260 note 2} C.I.L. in, 14192⁴.

^{page 261 note 1} For the omission of the post of praefectus cohortis at this period see von Domaszewski, Rangordnung des römischen Heeres, p 122, ff.

^{page 261 note 2} The language of Tacitus, Annals, xii, 16, where the troops of the Bosporan kingdom are clearly distinguished from the regular auxilia, might incline us to place the creation of this ala after the year A.D. 63, when the kingdom seems to have been taken for a time under more direct imperial control. Inscription 2, cited above, shows, however, that one cohort, at least, of Bosporani had been enrolled in the reign of Augustus.

^{page 261 note 3} The phrase used in the inscription is rare. But the same process is indicated by such expressions as adlectus inter praetorios, tribunicios, quaestorios: cf. Hirschfeld op. cit. p. 415, n. 2, against Mommsen who gives a different interpretation of them.

^{page 261 note 4} Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii, 251.

^{page 261 note 5} J. R. Sitlington Sterrett, Epigraphical journey in Asia Minor, n. 108, cf. I.G.R. iii, 600.

^{page 262 note 1} [In Phrygian Greek texts γονϵῖς is the common accusative form; but the correct form, γονέας, occurs, and also such monstra as γονιῆας.—W.M.R.]

^{page 262 note 2} Owing to the position of the stone it was impossible for a photograph of it to be secured.

^{page 263 note 1} This inscription is published below, pp. 301, ff. with a full commentary by Professor Dessau.

^{page 263 note 2} There was not a similar subscribed line or lines in the inscription of Ruso, unless it was separated by a distinctly broader gap from the two columns. It may have been placed at the top, but in any case the circumstances of the dedication must have been stated, as this is customary. The name of the dedicator is often in larger letters.

^{page 264 note 1} The mark indicating the end of a word is usually omitted when the word ends a line.

^{page 264 note 2} Greek epigraphy abhors abbreviations.

^{page 264 note 3} Γ is in form like two sides of a square.

^{page 264 note 4} The engraver makes certain letters very broad, especially II, Γ, Ω, Σ.

^{page 265 note 1} As an alternative it must be admitted that [Οὐαλ]γία is epigraphically possible, but the name Valgia Paulla seems indefensible.

^{page 266 note 1} I.G.R. iii, 511, from Cadyanda. Γάιον αρτάνιον Παυληῖνου, ὑὸν Καρ[ιστανίου].

^{page 266 note 2} Eph. Ep. ix, n. 1242; Haverfield in the Antonine Wall Report, p. 153.

^{page 266 note 3} C.I.L. x, 8059 (39).

^{page 266 note 4} C.I.L. x, 4417; vi, 14406. That Hermaescus was a freedman is definitely mentioned; Myron's status I infer from his name.