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European Reactions to the Homestead Act
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 February 2011
Extract
Contemporary reaction to the Homestead Act was complex in the United States, and the judgment of posterity has included much negative criticism. Whatever the real merits and defects of the Act, its impact on public opinion in Europe was not necessarily in keeping with the facts as they unfolded in America. European reactions to the famous Act are much less known than is the case with American public and expert opinion on the same subject. Standard literature on emigration and on the American image in Europe invariably stresses political freedom and economic opportunity as main motives for emigration. The Homestead Act is in most cases mentioned only in passing, as one among several factors in the motivation of prospective emigrants. In some cases it is claimed to have been a major motive but without evidence to bear out how important it was.
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- Land Policy after the Homestead Act
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- Copyright © The Economic History Association 1962
References
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7 Among such warnings see, “Landverhuizing naar de Vereenigte Staten van Noord-Amerika,”De Economist (Amsterdam), 1869:2, pp. 638–82Google Scholar, especially pp. 677 et seq.; Ed. Pelz, , “Ueber Auswanderung,” Deutsche Auswanderer-Zeitung (Bremen) 1864, No. 47–49Google Scholar, and several among the German emigrant advisory booklets. A similar note repeatedly in the Welsh letters: The Welsh in America. Letters from the Immigrants. Edited by Conway, Alan (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1961), pp. 126Google Scholar, 129. Cf. also Shepperson, W. S., British Emigration to North America. Projects and Opinions in the Early Victorian Period (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1957)Google Scholar.
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15 For instance, Struve, Gustav von, Wegweiser für Aswanderer (Bamberg: Buchner, 1866), pp. 18Google Scholaret seq.; Lucy, Eynar de in a mixed chronicle in Journal d' agriculture pratique (Paris), 34:2 (1867)Google Scholar. Cf. also the German edition of Edward Young's report (see below, note 16), pp. 154 et seq.
16 Edward Young, Special Report on Immigration (U. S. Congress. House. 42nd Congress, 1st Sess., House Executive Document No. I, 1871 (second ed., 1872); idem, Spezieller Bericht über Einwanderung in die Vereinigten Staaten (Washington, 1872)Google Scholar; idem, Rapport spécial sur l'immigration (Washington, 1872)Google Scholar; Handbook for emigrants to the United States, Prepared by the American Social Science Association (New York, 1871), pp. 110Google Scholaret seq. Cf. also, for example, Hansen, Marcus L., “Official Encouragement of Immigration to Iowa,” Iowa Journal, XIX (April 1921), 159–95Google Scholar; “An Invitation to Immigrants” (excerpts from the official Iowa emigrant bulletin by Fulton, A. R.), The Palimpsest (Iowa City), XVIII (July 1937), 226–42Google Scholar; Blegen, Th. C., “Minnesota's Campaign for Immigrants,” Yearbook, of the Swedish Historical Society of America, XI (1926), 3–83Google Scholar; Schell, Herbert S., “Official Immigration Activities of Dakota Territory,” North Dakota Historical Quarterly, VII (October 1932), 5–24Google Scholar.
17 Blegen, Th. C., Norwegian Migration to America. The American Transition (Northfield, Minn.: The Norwegian American Historical Association, 1940), p. 410Google Scholar. The Homestead Act had been publicized at length in Dreutzer's circular for emigrants which came in an enlarged edition in 1864 (p. 412); when one writer questioned its truthfulness, Morgenbladet printed the whole text of the Act, in 1867 (p. 459). Cf. also Stephenson, George M., “Some footnotes to the History of Swedish Immigration from about 1855 to about 1865,” Yearbook of the Swedish Historical Society of America, VII (1921–1922), 33–52Google Scholar, about anti-emigration propaganda in the press and from the pulpits.
18 Dovring, Karin, Road of Propaganda, The Semantics of Biased Communication (New York: The Philosophical Library, 1959)Google Scholar, especially p. 10, also pp. 12, 15, 21 and passim.
19 See Rynning, Ole, Sandfaerdig Beretning om Amerika til Oplysning og Nytte for Bonde og Menigmand…. (Christiania, 1838)Google Scholar. Translated and edited by Blegen, Theodore C. (Mianeapolis: The Norwegian American Historical Association, 1926)Google Scholar, Editor's preface.
20 Bibliography on Swedish emigrant guide books in Ander, O. Fritiof, The Cultural Heritage of the Swedish Immigrant. Selected References (Rock Island, Ill.: Augustana Library Publications, 1956), No. 27, pp. 36–45Google Scholar, including all the Swedish-language offers of railroad land. Analyses of certain among the guide books in Ångström, Mártha, “Swedish Emigrant Guide Books of the Early 1850's,” American Swedish Historical Foundation Yearbook. (Philadelphia, 1947), pp. 22–48Google Scholar, and Swanson, Roy W., “Some Swedish Emigrant Guide Books of the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century,” Yearbook of the Swedish Historical Society of America, XI (1926), 103–24Google Scholar.
21 Thus, in Reiersen, J. R., Veiviser for norske emigranter til De forenede nordamerikanske stater og Texas (Christiania: G. Reiersen, 1844), p. 44Google Scholar: “Other initial costs 500 dollars.”
22 Most of the land offerings by railroads printed in languages other than English were published in America and may thus have aimed at immigrants already in the country rather than at prospective ones in Europe. A number of those in Swedish, for instance were, however, printed in Sweden; see the bibliography by O. F. Ander (note 20 above).
23 Howard, James, “Things in America,” The Fanner's Magazine (London), LII (1866:2), 506Google Scholaret seq., which also mentions the Homestead Act (p. 512) and supposes that this will tempt many English farmers. Otherwise the same magazine has very little about emigration and about American affairs on the whole in the years after the Civil War.
24 Sering, Max, Die landwirtschaftliche Konkurrenz Nordamerikas in Gegenwart und Zukunft (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1887)Google Scholar, especially p. 119; idem, “Die deutsche Einwanderung in die landwirtschaftlichen Distrikte Nordamerikas,” Deutsche Wirtschafts Zeitung, 1906, pp. 193Google Scholaret seq., 251 et seq., especially p. 195; Ottolenghi, C., “Le migrazioni del lavoro agli Stati Uniti d'America,” Giornale degli economisti, 2 ser., year 10, XVIII (April 1899), 15–42, 230–39Google Scholar; Francois, G., “L'emigration aux Etats-Unis.” Journal des économistes, séi. 5, T. 40 (December 1899), pp. 395–98Google Scholar; Emigrationsutredningen. Bilaga 14, Småbruksrörelsen i främmande länder (Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt and Söner, 1909), pp. 51Google Scholaret seq. (in analysis of U. S. land legislation, by A. K. Eckerbom). Contrasting views were also set forth, among which Philippovich, Eugen v., “L'émigration européenne,” Revue d'économie politique, IV (1890), 341–73Google Scholar, in which U. S. land policy is said to be the least striking among the causes for emigration. American settlement policy, including the Homestead Act, was cited in the French debate about land policy in Algeria in an anonymous article. “La colonisation comparée en Algérie et aux Etats-Unis,” L'économiste francais (Paris), September 11, 1875, pp. 324–26Google Scholar, quoting the French edition of Edward Young's report (see note 16 above).
25 “Overzigt over de hedendaagsche landverhuizing,” De Economist (Amsterdam), 1869:2, p. 630Google Scholar.
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