^{page 33 note 2} See, for instance: Karamzin, Geschichte des Russischen Reiches, Riga 1823, ill. 207, iv. 56; Solovev, S. M., Istoriya Rossii drevneishikh vremen, St. Petersburg 1894Google Scholar, iii. col. 843, n. i, iii. col. 848; Makarii, , Istoriya Russkoi tserkvi v period Mongolskii, St. Petersburg 1866, 4Google Scholar; Philaret, Geschichte der Kirche Russlands, Frankfort-am-Main 1872, i. Pt. 1, 173–4; Golubinskii, E. E., Istoriya Russkoi tserkvi, Moscow 1901–4, i. 791–879Google Scholar; ii. 87–8; Ammann, A. M., Abriss der Ostslawischen Kirchengeschichte, Vienna 1950, 59–61Google Scholar; Koncevicius, J. B., Russia's Attitude towards Union with Rome (gth–16th Centuries), Washington 1927, 100–1Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 3} Acta Sanctorum, August, Paris 1867, iii. 309–10Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 4} Maria, and Wojciechowski, Zygmunt, Polska Piastow: Polska Jagellonow, Warsaw 1946, 87Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 5} Acta Sanctorum, August, iii. 319.

^{page 34 note 1} Altaner, B., Die Dominikanermissionen des 13 Jahrhunderts, Habelschwerdt 1924, 196–201Google Scholar is basic in the discussion of the sources of Hyacinth's life, while 202–12 are equally important for the chronology.

^{page 34 note 2} Acta Sanctorum, August, iii. 316.

^{page 34 note 3} B. Altaner, op. cit., 116.

^{page 34 note 4} See, for instance, Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard, Rolls Series, London 1876, iii. 488: Unde Gothiam et Frisiam inhabitantes, impetus eorum pertimentes, in Angliam, ut moris est eorum, apud Gernemue, tempore allecis capiendi, quo suas naves solebant onerare, non venerunt. Hinc erat quod allec eo anno in Anglia quasi pro nihilo prae abundantia habitum, sub quadragenario vel quinquagenario numero, licet optimum esset, pro uno argento in partibus a mari etiam longinquis, vendebantur.

^{page 34 note 5} Soranzo, G., Il Papato, l'Europa cristiana e i Tartari, Milan 1930, 26Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 6} The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016–1471, trans. Mitchell, R. and Forbes, N., Camden Third Series, xxv, London 1914, 64Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 7} W. Zatorski, Czyngis-Chan, Warsaw 1939, 153–61 for the campaign leading up to and for the battle of Kalka itself. See Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopisei, St. Petersburg 1908, ii. 740–6 for the battle as told in the Hypatian Chronicle. This collection will hereafter be cited as PSRL.

^{page 34 note 8} On this paticular aspect of assistance from the West against the Mongols see Uminski, J., Niebezpecieczenstwo tartarskie w polowie XIII w. i Papiez Innocenty IV, Lwow 1922Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 1} A. J. Turgenev, Historica Russiae Monumenta, St Petersburg 1841, i. 21. In his bull Honorius says: Parati estis omnes errores penitus abnegare, … pro quibus iratus contra vos Dominus, permisit vos hactenus multipliciter tribulari. Hereafter this work will be cited as HRM.

^{page 35 note 2} Eubel, C., Hierarchic Catholica Medii Aevi, Regensburg 1913, i. 353Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 3} HRM, i. 21.

^{page 35 note 4} HRM, i. 8, 10, 19. See also J. Ptasnik, ‘Analecta Vaticana’ in Monumenta Poloniae Vaticana, Cracow 1914, iii. 10. Hereafter this collection of documents will be referred to as MPV.

^{page 35 note 5} HRM, i. 9, 11, 12.

^{page 35 note 6} HRM, i. 21. Honorius wrote: Permisit vos hactenus multipliciter tribulari, tribulandos acrius, nisi de invio erroris ad viam properaveritis veritatis.

^{page 35 note 7} HRM, i. 21: cum quanto diutius duraveritis in errore, tanto timore possitis augustias duriores.

^{page 35 note 8} HRM, i. 21.

^{page 36 note 1} HRM, i. 30: Georgio illustri Regi Russie Gregorius Episcopus servus servorum Dei.

^{page 36 note 2} B. Altaner (op. cit., 215) erroneously and without evidence considers this letter as directed to Daniel of Halicz. Paszkiewicz, H. in The Origin of Russia, New York 1954, 299Google Scholar, suggests the same. However, the external evidence of a copy directed to George must be given great weight as well as the continued negotiations with the princes of Suzdal. Pashuto, V. T. in Ocherkii po istorii Galitskoi-Volynskoi Rusi, Moscow 1950, 251Google Scholar, n. 5, admits that the letter may have been directed to George of Suzdal. See also Acta Sanctorum, October, xi. 63.

^{page 36 note 3} HRM, i. 30: unde cum venerabili fratre nostro … Episcopo Prutenorum referente, intellexerimus te … See C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica, i. 420.

^{page 36 note 4} HRM, i. 30.

^{page 36 note 5} HRM, i. 31: ritus et mores christianorum latinorum devote suscipias. For this document see also MPV, iii. 15–16; Auvray, L., Les Registres de Gregoirc IX, Paris 1896, i. nr. 684Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 6} HRM, i. 30: nosque tibi, et regna tuo benigni favoris presidium efficaciter impendemus. MPV, iii. 16.

^{page 36 note 7} Szcześniak, B., ‘Benoit le Polonais, dit le Vratislavien, et son rôle dans l'union de la Ruthenic de Halicz avec Rome en 1246’, Antemurale, i (1954), 43Google Scholar.

^{page 37 note 1} A. Bzovius, Annales Ecclesiastici, xiii. 415: ei Hyacintho enim in primis Gregorius Summus Pontifex commiserat ut fratres zelo Dei inflammatos dirigeret, ad conversionem Ruthenorum Schismaticorum et aliarum gentium idololatriae.

^{page 37 note 2} B. Altaner, Die Dominikanermissionen, 215.

^{page 37 note 3} HRM, i. 35: de omnipotentis Dei misericordia, et beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum ejus auctoritate confisi.

^{page 37 note 4} HRM, i 35: auctoritate vobis praesentium concedimus, ut pauperibus, debilibus, et infirmis in Ruscie partibus constitutis, qui incendiis et violenta injectione manuum in clericos seculares vel alias religiosas personas in canonem inciderint sententie promulgate … absolutionis beneficiim impendatis.

^{page 37 note 5} HRM, i. 30.

^{page 37 note 6} B. Altaner, op. cit., 216.

^{page 37 note 7} HRM, i. 13.

^{page 37 note 8} HRM, i. 20: ut ejus salutaribus monitis informati, catholice fidei… amplectamini veritatem.

^{page 37 note 9} HRM, i. 31: ritus et mores christianorum latinorum devote suscipias. MPV, iii. 15.

^{page 38 note 1} HRM, i. 31.

^{page 38 note 2} B. Altaner, op. cit., 217.

^{page 38 note 3} HRM, i. 36: zelo fidei ac devotionis accensi vos murum defensionis opponatis in Ruscie partibus pro cultu divini Nominis ampliando, et occasione hujusmodi a persecutoribus fidei Christiane, qui vobis assiduas ponunt insidias, sepius molestatis dampna sustinueritis et rapinas. See also Bonniwell, W. R., A History of the Dominican Liturgy, 1915–1945, New York 1945, 344Google Scholar, where the Dominican medieval devotion to the Holy Name is mentioned. If therefore the ‘cult of the Divine Name’ is connected with this devotion, the events of 1233 in Kiev are more closely related to the Dominicans active there.

^{page 38 note 4} HRM, i. 35.

^{page 38 note 5} B. Altaner, op. cit., 217.

^{page 38 note 6} Acta Sanctorum, August, iii. 317.

^{page 39 note 1} B. Altaner, op. cit., 154.

^{page 39 note 2} HRM, i. 30: observantem Graecorum et Ruthenorum mores, et ritus, ac facientem in regno tuo ab aliis observari.

^{page 39 note 3} Acta Sanctorum, October, xi. 286–7.

^{page 39 note 4} B. Altaner, op. cit., 154.

^{page 39 note 5} G. Vernadsky (The Mongols and Russia, 49) places the total force at 120,000 or more, with the Mongol core of Badu's army at 50,000; while Zatorski (Czyngis-Chan, 207) numbers the total force at about 150,000, and states that the Mongol core was about 30,000.

^{page 39 note 6} W. Zatorski, op. cit., 207.

^{page 40 note 1} The Chronicle of Novgorod, 82.

^{page 40 note 2} G. Vernadsky, op. cit., 50; The Chronicle of Novgorod, 82.

^{page 40 note 3} G. Vernadsky, op. cit., 51; The Chronicle of Novgorod, 82–3; for the grief of George at the death of his wife and son in Vladimir, see PSRL, i. 198.

^{page 40 note 4} G. Vernadsky, op. cit., 51; The Chronicle of Novgorod, 83; PSRL, i. 198, for the defeat and death of George as given in the Laurentian Chronicle.

^{page 40 note 5} PSRL, i. 201, the Laurentian Chronicle which says: ‘The Grand Duke Yaroslav went to the Tartars to Badu, but he sent his son Constantine to the Khan. Badu, indeed, honoured Yaroslav greatly with his men, and let him go, having said to him: “Yaroslav, be thou the elder among all the princes of the Russian tongue”’.

^{page 40 note 6} Mann, Horace K., The Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages, London 1928, xiv. 184Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 1} Leclerq, C. J. Hefele-H., Histoire des Conciles d'après les documents originaux, Paris 1913, v. 1654Google Scholar; Mansi, , Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, Venice 1768, xxiii, 627–8Google Scholar. These words as well as other documents, refute V. T. Pashuto's statement in Ocherkipo istorii (252) that ‘in the papal messages there is not even mention of organising a struggle against the Tartaro-Mongols’.

^{page 41 note 2} Giovanni de Piano Carpini, Ystoria Mongalorum, in Sinica Franciscana, ed. Anastasius van den Wyngaert, Quaracchi 1929. This work will be cited henceforth as YM. [For a full bibliography see above in this Journal, vii. 13–Ed.]

^{page 41 note 3} B. Szcześniak, ‘Benoit le Polonais’, Antemurale, 47–8.

^{page 41 note 4} Berger, E., Les Registres d'Innocent IV, Paris 1884, i. 272Google Scholar: commitentes eis auctoritate praesentium eandem auctoritatem, quam habent ii, qui sunt ad Tartaros destinati.

^{page 41 note 5} HRM, i. 70, 68; E. Berger, op. cit., i. 620.

^{page 41 note 6} HRM, i. 59.

^{page 41 note 7} MPV, iii. 27.

^{page 41 note 8} Welykyj, A. G., Documenta Pontificum Romanorum Ucrainae Illustrantia (1075–1953), Rome 1953, i. 30Google Scholar; V. T. Pashuto, Ocherki po istorii, 252. A. G. Welykyj bases his work on the interpretations of V. Chubatyj.

^{page 42 note 1} HRM, i. 59: et nuper, gratia favente divina, illuminata sint corda vestra, ut recognoscentes Romanam ecclesiam.

^{page 42 note 2} HRM, i. 64: filius noster Daniel Rex Russie illustris … per literas speciales et nuntios, quos propter hoc transmisit nuper ad nostram presentiam…. A. Welykyj claims that the letter to the papal legate dated 3 May 1246 (Welykyj, Documenta, i. 31) and the letter to the papal legate dated 7 September 1247 were both directed to Daniel's reunion with the Roman Church. However, there is nothing in the documents to suggest that Daniel was the object of the first letter, while he is mentioned by name in the second.

^{page 42 note 3} HRM, i. 64.

^{page 42 note 4} HRM, i. 57; MPV, iii. 27; E. Berger, Registres, i. 272.

^{page 42 note 5} HRM, i. 65–6; MPV, iii. 32; Berger, Registres, i. 487.

^{page 42 note 6} HRM, i. 59: sicut accepimus; MPV, iii. 26, 27.

^{page 43 note 1} H. Paszkiewicz, The Origin of Russia, 299.

^{page 43 note 2} HRM, i. 56 identifies the archbishop as Henry; but MPV, iii. 27 gives no name. The most likely Henry is Henry of Lutzelberg, bishop of Curland from the death of Engelbert, g September 1245. The question is whether the bishop of Curland was called the archbishop of Prussia, Livonia, and Esthonia. See C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica, i. 219. Perhaps the document is in error and the legate was Albert of Armagh. V. T. Pashuto (Ocherki po istorii, 252) identifies the companion of Alexius as Frater Henry, the archbishop of Prussia, Livonia, and Esthonia. However, in the commission to Alexius there is no mention of consecrating bishops, as there is in the document under consideration.

^{page 43 note 3} HRM, i. 59; MPV, iii. 27: quocirca Serenitatem regiam rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente mandantes, quatenus eidem legato super hiis et contra Tartaros impendas sibi consilium, auxilium et favorem.

^{page 43 note 4} HRM, i. 57; MPV, iii. 27.

^{page 43 note 5} HRM, i. 57; MPV, iii. 27, 28.

^{page 43 note 6} HRM, i. 66–7: dilectorum ditaque filiorum Gr. Abbatis de Monte Sancti Danielis, et fratrum H. et A. de ordine Predicatorum, carissirni in Christo filii nostri Daniel is, regis Ruscie, nuntiorum, cum quibus idem clericus pro Sedis Apostolice negotiis fideliter, ut accepimus, laboravit. See MPV, iii. 32–3.

^{page 44 note 1} B. Altaner, Die Dominikanermissionen, 211.

^{page 44 note 2} HRM, i. 60; MPV, iii. 27: Cum is gui, 3 May 1246.

^{page 44 note 3} HRM, i. 56: Ut commissum tibi, 3 May 1246.

^{page 44 note 4} YM 112.

^{page 44 note 5} YM, 103.

^{page 44 note 6} B. Szcześniak, ‘Benoit le Polonais’, Antemurale, i. 47. Wadding, Luke (Annales Minorum, Quaracchi 1931, iii. 144Google Scholar) quotes a bull Cum simus super directed to the Bulgarians.

^{page 45 note 1} YM, 128.

^{page 45 note 2} YM, 90, note 3.

^{page 45 note 3} YM, 112.

^{page 45 note 4} YM, 46, 87, 118; G. Vernadsky, The Mongols and Russia, 61.

^{page 45 note 5} YM, 128.

^{page 45 note 6} YM, 123: a quibus poteramus perscrutari omnia. Et ipsi nobis voluntarie et aliquando sine interrogatione, quia sciebant nostram voluntatem, omnia referebant.

^{page 45 note 7} YM, 96: unde si Christiani se ipsos et suam terram et Christianitatem volunt servare, oportet quod in unum conveniant reges, principes, et barones et terrarum rectores, et mittant de communi consilio homines contra eos ad pugnam, antequam ipsi incipiunt per terram diffundi. Here Carpini invalidates Pashuto's claim (Ocherki po istorii, 277) that the pope was merely seeking Mongol allies against Frederick II and as a means to control the Church in Russia. Carpini clearly describes the anti-Mongol bloc and its need.

^{page 46 note 1} HRM, i. 68–9: ipse fuit ad ovile reductus dominicum, velut ovis, que longo tempore oberraverat per desertum, quia sicut dilecto filio fratre Johanne de piano Carpini de Ordine Fratrum Minorum Protonotario Nostro ad gentem Tartaricam destinato referente dedicimus.

^{page 46 note 2} HRM, i. 68–9: idem pater tuus novum hominem affectans induere, de conscientia Jemeris militis conciliarii sui obedientie Romane ecclesie matris sue in ejusdem fratris manibus devote, ac humiliter se devovit. V. T. Pashuto (Ocherki po istorii, 269) says Innocent wrote to Alexander Nevsky that his Yaroslav agreed to enter into negotiations with the curia. However, Innocent states categorically that Yaroslav accepted union with Rome. Moreover, Innocent also gives the source of his information, Giovanni de Piano Carpini, an eye-witness, whose testimony is therefore decisive. As V. T. Pashuto correctly notes, the pope would hardly lie, because Alexander had every means to check the truth of the assertion.

^{page 46 note 3} YM, 128: apud Imperatorem Tartarorum invenimus ducem Ierozlaum, qui mortuus est ibidem, et militem suum qui vocatur Temer, qui fuit interpres noster apud Cuyuccam.

^{page 46 note 4} A. Bzovius, Annales Ecdesiastici, xiii. 567: paulo enim postquam a F. Ioanne Piano Carpinate, ad convertendos Tartaros ex Concilio Lugdunensi a sese Apostolica destinato, habitum religionis et poenitentiae S. Francisci suscepisset, et abdicate saeculo magnos profectus in disciplina regulari et sanctitate fecisset, Iaroslaus senex, non minus cito mortis eventus eum de saeculo subduxerat. See du Caillaud, F. R., Essai sur l'Église Russe Catholique et ses Saints, Paris 1896, 90–1Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 1} YM, 123: et aliquando sine interrogatibne, quia sciebant nostram voluntatem, omnia referebant.

^{page 47 note 2} YM, 121, note 5, where the editor notices the doubts about the deliberate poisoning. See G. Vernadsky, The Mongols and Russia, 143, where he mentions Karamzin and Rockhill as arguing for a natural death; but G. Vernadsky himself accepts Carpini's testimony because of Carpini's customary accuracy as well as because of the tense relations between Badu and Guyuk which might well have led Guyuk to consider Yaroslav the tool of Badu and to use this devious way of ridding himself of Yaroslav. For Karamzin's discussion, see his Geschichte des Russischen Reiches, iv. 27–8. V. T. Pashuto sees the execution as Guyuk's means of eliminating Badu's man from the chief position in Russia (Ocherki po istorii, 269). But he also admits that Yaroslav's conversations with the papal ambassadors may have led to the execution. See also L. Wadding, Annales Minorum, iii. 141.

^{page 47 note 3} YM, 121: ut suam terram libere et plenarie possiderent.

^{page 47 note 4} YM, 121–2: et ad hoc est argumentum, quod incontinenter, nescientibus hominibus suis qui erant ibi, misit Imperator nuncium festinanter in Rusciam ad Alexandrum filium eius ut veniret ad ipsum, quia vellet ei terram patris donare.

^{page 47 note 5} YM, 121: de quam cum aliis fuit factum iudicium, et fuerunt occisi. Eodem tempore mortuus fuit Ierozlaus dux magnus in quadam parte Ruscie que Suzdal nominatur. For the report of the Hypatian Chronicle, see PSRL, ii. 808.

^{page 48 note 1} YM, 122: L. Wadding, op. cit., iii. 141–2.

^{page 48 note 2} YM, 126: consuetudo enim est Tartarorum nunquam facere pacem cum hominibus illis, qui nuncios eorum occidunt, quin de ipsis sumant vindictam.

^{page 48 note 3} YM, 122.

^{page 48 note 4} Archbishop Makarii (in his Istoriya Russkoi tserkvi v period Mongolskii, 4) refers thus to these great events of union: ‘For the popes and the zealots of the papacy the Mongol yoke in Russia provided a favourable occasion for bending the Russians to accept Latinism.’ The archbishop notices the events in Halicz thus: ‘In the principality of Halicz, which was not incorporated into the Lithuanian state, but fell under the rule of Poland, Orthodoxy was subjected to the heaviest persecutions and hardly escaped extinction.’

^{page 48 note 5} HRM, i. 69.

^{page 48 note 6} HRM, i. 68–9.

^{page 48 note 1} HRM, i. 69: sic tu, relicto perditionis invio, quod ad eterne mortis dampnationem perducit, unitatem ejusdem Ecclesie per obedientiam amplexeris.

^{page 48 note 2} HRM, i. 69.

^{page 48 note 3} HRM, i. 69: te inter cetera catholicos principes reputabimus specialem, et ad tuum incrementum honoris semper diligenti studio intendemus.

^{page 48 note 4} MPV, iii. 35–6.

^{page 48 note 5} MPV, iii. 36.

^{page 48 note 6} YM, 122. Alexander's hesitation to accept the Khan's offer may have been caused by the fact that Yaroslav had most probably arranged an order of succession in case anything untoward should happen to him, as is suggested by the events narrated in PSRL, i. 201.

^{page 48 note 7} YM, 128.

^{page 48 note 8} HRM, i. 69: super eo autem quod collum tuum noluisti subdere jugo Tartaricae feritatis, prudentiam tuam dignis in laudibus commendemus.

^{page 50 note 1} HRM, i. 69.

^{page 50 note 2} Acta Sanctorum, October, xi. 286.

^{page 50 note 3} C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica, i. 420.

^{page 50 note 4} Acta Sanctorum, October, xi. 286: tu … uniri … eidem ecclesiae devotissime postulasti.

^{page 50 note 5} Ibid., xi. 286: tu … uniri per veram obedientiam tanquam membrum capiti eidem ecclesiae devotissime postulasti, in ipsius obedientiae signum affectans in Pleskowe civitate tua latinorum ecclesiam erigere cathedralem.

^{page 50 note 6} Ibid., xi. 287.

^{page 50 note 7} S. M. Solovev, Istoriya Rossii, iii. col. 842, on the basis of a ‘skazanie’ gives the names of the two cardinals sent to Alexander as Gald and Glemont.

^{page 50 note 8} The only text available to the writer was Anthology of Old Russian Literature, ed. Stender-Petersen, Ad. and Congrat-Butlar, Stefan, New York 1954, 100–8Google Scholar. The editors' comment that the biography represented a ‘secular’ biography is certainly surprising, if not actually inept.

^{page 51 note 1} G. Vernadsky (The Mongols and Russia, 147) places the marriage of Andrew and Daniel's daughter in 1251, whereas S. M. Solovev (Istoriya Rossii, iii. col. 838) dates it 1250.

^{page 51 note 2} G. Vernadsky, op. cit., 147–8.

^{page 51 note 3} The Chronicle of Novgorod, 96–7.

^{page 52 note 1} G. Vernadsky, even though he decides that the princes were not involved in the revolt of 1262, discusses various facets of this problem in The Mongols and Russia, 159–61.

The description from the Laurentian Chronicle is given in PSRL, i. 204.

^{page 52 note 2} The Chronicle of Novgorod, 98.

^{page 52 note 3} HRM, i. 78; A. Welykyj, Documenta, i. 43–5. A. Welykyj understands certain words, such as ‘Porro plagam, quam repentinus Tartarorum adventus in nonnullis Christianitatis partibus crudeliter intulit, dolentes referimus’ of the war raging in 1240–41; he takes ‘aliquod intervallum temporis’ to mean 1242–52. However, the ‘repentinus Tartarorum adventus’ most probably means the punitive expedition of 1252 against Andrew; the withdrawal gave an ‘aliquod intervallum temporis’ in which to prepare. Thus, too, the letter reads more urgently.