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Introduction: Publics and Participation in Early Modern Britain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2017

Abstract

The deconstruction of what is termed “the public sphere” in recent decades has resulted in an important shift in scholarly attention towards networks and forms of association. This article explores how greater sensitivity to the unstable and ephemeral nature of “publics,” combined with a stronger awareness of the role of cultural exchange, has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of early modern politics. Some analytical precision has, nonetheless, been lost. A justifiable emphasis on the artificiality of the territorial borders that have defined units of enquiry has occurred at the expense of deeper consideration of the cultural boundaries that dictated the terms on which people could participate in and shape public discourse. Study of the British archipelago can offer new ways of thinking about these problems. Linguistic and ethnic differences, the search for religious concord as well as the reality of confessional division, institutional variation, and the consequences of London's increasing dominance of the archipelago, are key facets of the reassessments undertaken here. The article concludes by reflecting on how interactions between varieties of “public” and other forms of association can nuance our understanding of early modern state formation.

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Articles
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Copyright © The North American Conference on British Studies 2017 

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References

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37 Wilson and Yachnin, introduction to Making Publics, 2.

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45 Burke does not reflect on this debate. He estimates the number of Europe's languages at between forty and seventy, which he regards as “a very small number” for a continental population of around eighty million. Burke, Languages, 8. For a clear and accessible summary of the debate on Scots and a statement that, despite caveats, it can be regarded as a language, see Macafee, Caroline and Aitken, A. J., A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue, vol. 12, A History of Scots to 1700 (Oxford and London, 2002)Google Scholar, http://www.dsl.ac.uk/about-scots/history-of-scots/.

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51 Burke, Languages, 71; Durkacz, Decline, 18–23. The problems that Scottish Episcopalian cleric James Kirkwood and renowned scholar Robert Boyle encountered in the 1680s in their attempt to produce a new edition of Bedell's Irish Bible for use in the Highlands suggest that cultural divisions between Scottish and Irish Gaelic language communities further favored the consolidation of English. The Bible was not published in Scots Gaelic until 1801. See also Withers, Gaelic in Scotland, 43–45.

52 Anja Gunderloch, “The Gaelic Manuscripts of Glasgow University: A Catalogue” (Glasgow, 2007), 14–15 (citing McFarlan Papers, MS Gen 1717/2/1–8 [sermons in Gaelic dating from the later eighteenth century]), 19–20 (citing MacNicol Papers, MS Gen 60 [ninety sermons in Gaelic, 1766–1801]), 25–27 (McLea Mss, Box Acc. A1-36 [thirty-seven sermons in Gaelic, 1775–1822]), http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_119675_en.pdf.

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59 Argyll was a Highland chief, a politician of Scottish and British importance, and a devout Calvinist. Campbell estate business appears to have been recorded in English, probably because leases and contracts drawn up in Gaelic would have been imperiled as legal instruments. Macinnes, British Confederate, 51. There is more work to do on the ways in which Celtic language speakers engaged with, or were excluded from, legal and governing processes.

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67 Lake and Pincus propose a “transitional” phase for England covering the civil wars and Restoration era. Lake and Pincus, “Rethinking,” 279–80. For the “transformative effect” of unprecedented access to print during the 1640s, see Peacey, Jason, Print and Public Politics in the English Revolution (Cambridge, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 2, at 80.

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71 A solemn league and covenant for reformation and defence of religion, the honour and happiness of the king, and the peace and safety of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland,” English Historical Documents, 1603–1660, vol. 5(B), ed. Coward, Barry and Gaunt, Peter (Abingdon, 2010), no. 337Google Scholar.

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76 Jack Presbiter. To the tune of, Some said the Papist had a plot, &c. ([London], 1690).

77 Knights, Representation, 110–11.

78 Harris, “Publics and Participation,” 735, et passim.

79 “Printed papers, mainly public notices, including Proclamations and Acts of Parliament, pamphlets etc.,” GD331/46, NRS; His Majesties gracious speech to the honorable house of Commons in the Banquetting-house at White-hall, March 1662 (London, 1662); The Arch-bishop of York's Speech to the House of Lords, relating to Dr Sacheverel's Impeachment. Edinburgh, Re-printed conform to the Copy Printed at London, for William Garnet near Westminster Hall [1710]; Madan, F. F., A Critical Bibliography of Dr. Henry Sacheverell, ed. Speck, W. A. (Lawrence, Kansas, 1978)Google Scholar, nos. 161, 162, 164. Another publication about the trial was printed at Nottingham, for sale in York and Hull, for example, Remarks on the several paragraphs of the Bishop of Salisbury's speech … ([April] 1710), Madan, Critical Bibliography, no. 327. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for this reference. See also Mark Knights, ed., Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr. Henry Sacheverell (Oxford, 2012). For Edinburgh reprints of London publications in 1689–1690, at least one of which also appeared in the Dutch Provinces, see Couper, Edinburgh Periodical Press, 1:194–201.

80 The Earl of Manchester's Speech to his Majesty, In the name of the Peers, at his arrival at Whitehall, the twenty-ninth of May, 1660. With his Majesties gracious answer thereunto (Edinburgh, 1660) [Wing (2nd ed.) / M399]. See the London version at Wing / M397. The patent to print in Scotland appears not to have been profitable. Blagden, Cyprian, The Stationers' Company: A History, 1403–1959 (London, 1960), 142–43Google Scholar.

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82 Papers of William, 3rd Earl of Lothian, secretary to Charles II: Newsletters, 1665–[1667], GD40/12/80/1, 2, NRS.

83 GD40/12/80/3, NRS.

84 Newsletters sent, from London, to Sir William Scott of Harden, 1674–1707, GD157/2681, no. 10, NRS.

85 Newsletters from London addressed to Mr David Fearn, 2 September 1690–9 May 1691, RH15/85/2, no. 4, NRS.

86 Peacey, Print, 31–35.

87 Knights, Representation, 236. Similar handwriting and layout in some of the newsletters sent to both Fearn and the Scotts of Harden may indicate one writer with multiple clients. RH15/85/2 and GD157/2681, NRS.

88 RH15/85/2, NRS. The Scots Postman appears to have run under Fearn's direction only from August to December 1709. Fearn was probably the assignee of James Donaldson, publisher of the Edinburgh Gazette, with whom the Postman shared a title until, it seems, Donaldson and Fearn fell out. Couper, Edinburgh Periodical Press, 1:229–33. See also Harris, Bob, Politics and the Rise of the Press: Britain and France, 1620–1800 (London, 1996), 812 Google Scholar.

89 For discussion of the role of newspapers in constructing identities, see Raymond, “Newspaper,” 130.

90 Colley, Britons. See also Kidd, Colin, British Identities before Nationalism: Ethnicity and Nationhood in the Atlantic World, 1600–1800 (Cambridge, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Best known to scholars is the circle around the English playwright Ben Jonson; the Scottish poet Sir William Drummond of Hawthornden; and the Scottish secretary Sir William Alexander of Menstrie, later earl of Stirling.

92 Scott, Jonathan, England's Troubles: Seventeenth-Century English Political Instability in European Context (Cambridge, 2000), 1421 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morrill, John, “Thinking about the New British History,” in British Political Thought in History, Literature and Theory, 1500–1800, ed. Armitage, David (Cambridge, 2006), 2346 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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