¹ Trans. French Montfort Archives, Rome.

² Shepperson, G., Myth and Reality in Malawi, Fourth Herskovits Memorial Lecture, Northwestern (1966), 13–18.Google Scholar

³ Shepperson, G. and Price, T., Independent African (Edinburgh, 1958), 416.Google Scholar

⁴ Ranger, T. O., ‘Connexions between “primary resistance” movements and modern mass nationalism in East and Central Africa’, J. Afr. Hist., IX, no. 3 (1968), 437–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Ranger, T. O., Revolt in Southern Rhodesia 1896–7, London, 1967.Google Scholar

⁶ Gwassa, G. C. K., ‘The Role of Religious and Other Traditional Beliefs during the Maji-Maji War 1905–7’, Dar/U.C.L.A. Conf. on the history of african religious systems, University College, Dar-es-Salaam, 06 1970.Google Scholar

⁷ George, C. H., ‘Puritanism as History and Historiography’, Past and Present, no. 41 (12 1968), 77–105.Google Scholar

⁸ Troeltsch, E., The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, London, 1931, 1. 241–6Google Scholar and Shepperson, G., ‘Church and Sect in Central Africa’, Rhodes–Livingstone Journal, XXIII (1958), 12–46.Google Scholar

⁹ For example the formation of a Christian Democrat party under the patronage of the Archbishop of Blantyre by Chester Katsonga, see Malawi News, 22 10 1960,Google Scholar vol. 2, no. 21, an unsigned article ‘Vatican Imperialism by Archbishop Theunissen and Katsonga’. The formation of the party was not supported gy the White Fathers' Bishops, however, nor by many of the clergy who lacked a Dutch Catholic political background. For the influence of Calvinism, see the preamble to Rev. Ross, A., ‘Origins and Development of the Church of Scotland Mission, Blantyre Nyasaland 1875–1926’, Ph.D. thesis, Edinburgh, 1968, which gives a fascinating insight into the way the C.C.A.P. had cast itself in the role of the future state church of independent Malawi.Google Scholar

¹⁰ This was particularly true of Watchtower in the 1920s, when its African version in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia was disowned by the Watchtower Bible and Tract Society in South Africa. Walder, T. to Zomba secretariat, 21 08 1926. NN 1/20/3. National Archives, Zomba.Google Scholar

¹¹ Chanjiri is one of four Chewa names for the deity. Her movement seems to have been not unlike that of the Bisa ‘mfumu ya pansi’ who toured the northern Ngoni with great success in the nineteenth century. Elmslie, W. A., Among the Wild Ngoni (Edinburgh, 1899), 64.Google Scholar For Chanjiri's prophecies see Nzama Mission Diary, 23 06 1907.Google Scholar

¹² Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 159–65Google Scholar and Rotberg, R. I., The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa (Harvard, 1965), 70–72. In 1916 Domingo was sent to Chinde as an army clerk but was transferred to Zomba in 1917. In 1919 Moggridge accepted him at Mzimba as a tax kapitao, where he appears to have stayed until 1927, when he was being offered some promotion classes to rise from the level of a third grade clerk. S1/927/19 and NN 1/23. National Archives, Zomba.Google Scholar

¹³ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 417. Our italics.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Rotberg, R. I., ‘Psychological Stress and the Question of Identity: Chilembwe's revolt reconsidered’, in Protest and Power in Black Africa, ed. Rotberg, R. I. and Mazrui, A. A., (Oxford, 1970), 337–77.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Rotberg, , The Rise, 77, 85.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Rotberg, , Protest and Power, 372.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Tangri, R., ‘African Reaction and Resistance to the Early Colonial Situation in Malawi: 1891–1915’, Fifth History Conference of Central Africa (09 1968), Salisbury, Historical Association, no. 25, 13.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Hooker, J. R., ‘Witnesses and Watchtower in the Rhodesias and Nyasaland’, J. Afr. Hist., VI, no. 1 (1965), 91–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ Published as Strike a Blow and Die, ed. Rotberg, R. I. (Harvard, 1967).Google Scholar

²⁰ Rotberg, , The Rise, 84 and Protest and Power, 357–9.Google Scholar

²¹ Rotberg, , The Rise, 84.Google Scholar

²² Pachai, B., Transafrican Journal of History, I, no. 1 (01 1971), 131–4.Google Scholar

²³ M. Chanock, ‘The New Men Revisited. An essay on the development of political consciousness in colonial Malawi’, to be published.

²⁴ For example, Negro World, 28 07 1926, NC 1/23/1.Google Scholar

²⁵ Sanderson, F. E., ‘Nyasaland Migrant Labour in British Central Africa’, M.A. thesis, University of London, 1956, 43.Google Scholar

²⁶ Krishnamurty, B. S., ‘Land and Labour in Nyasaland: 1891–1914’, Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1964, 305. Casson's government estimate.Google Scholar

²⁷ Barnes, J. A., Marriage in a Changing Society, Rhodes–Livingstone Paper, no. 20 (Oxford, 1951), 121–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ Read, M., ‘Migrant Labour in Africa and its Effects on Tribal Life’, International Labour Review, XIV, no. 6 (06 1942), 628.Google Scholar For a different assessment of effects on the Tonga, see Van Velsen, J., ‘Labour migration as a positive factor in the continuity of Tonga Tribal Society’, in Social Change in Modern Africa, ed. Southall, A. (Oxford, 1961), 230–41.Google Scholar

²⁹ Nzama Mission Diary 31 Jan. A letter from Nguludi from the Montfort Bishop suggests that it was another planter altogether, a Mr Dickie, who had ‘fanatacisé les Angourous’. The Bruce Estate secretary claimed during the Commission of Enquiry that practices on the estate were normal. He pointed out that Magomero was the only estate with a proper hospital and free medical attention. Similarly Mrs Livingstone pointed out that all planters were targets for attack, not just her husband. This was certainly true. S1/3008/23. National Archives, Zomba.

³⁰ Linden, I. and Linden, J., ‘Eklesia Katholika: Roman Catholics in protestant Nyasaland 1889–1939’, chapter III. Forthcoming publication.Google Scholar

³¹ For example, nyau societies, witchcraft accusations and polygamy were recorded to be on the increase. Church attendances dropped away, see Retief, M. W., William Murray of Nyasaland (Lovedale, 1958), 117.Google Scholar

³² Cohn, N., The Pursuit of the Millennium (London, 1962), 314–15.Google Scholar

³³ Moggridge, to Turnbull, 02 1925 with letter from Auneau S10/1/6. National Archives, Zomba.Google Scholar

³⁴ Blood, A. G., The History of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa Vol. II 1907–1932 (London, 1957), 62.Google Scholar

³⁵ Although the Ngoni were strongly opposed to colonial rule, even by the early 1890s hundreds of Ngoni were working in the Shire Highlands. The raiding pattern of life was displaced by periodic ‘raids on the cash economy’. On the other hand the Yao slave trade disappeared with nothing to take its place.

³⁶ Oral Testimony. Fr. Auguste Basle S.M.M. A Montfort missionary at Nankunda in 1914—arrived in Nyasaland 1908. Interviewed at Pirimiti mission, Zomba, Oct. 1970.

³⁷ Copy of depositions taken by Milthorp, in 08 1954, S10/1/6. National Archives, Zomba.Google Scholar

³⁸ By early Nov. more than twenty letters in and out of the P.I.M. had been censored without any incriminating material being found. Moggridge to Zomba secretariat, 3 Nov. 1914. Sio/1/6.

³⁹ The fields of evangelization of Nguludi and the P.I.M. overlapped. Further, since the arrival of the Catholics in 1901, the government had been faced with repeated squabbles between Catholics and the rest over spheres of influence. This was especially acute in the Central Region where Dutch Reformed Afrikaaners faced French, Canadian and Dutch White Fathers.

⁴⁰ Blantyre Mission Diary. Preamble to foundation 20 Aug. 1913. Diary kept at Blantyre Mission.

⁴¹ Moggridge to Hetherwick, 14 Nov. 1914. Sio/I/6.

⁴² Moggridge to Zomba secretariat, 11 Dec. 1914. Sio/I/6.

⁴³ Rapports annuels de la Société des Missiannaires de Notre Dame d'Afrique. Report for Ntaka-taka, 1910–11. A bound copy of cuttings from the Nyasa vicariate in the White Fathers' Archives, Via Aurelia, Rome.

⁴⁴ Limbe railway station was their mailing address. The group was led by J. R. Aphiri of Ndirande. NCN 4/I/I, NCN 4/I/2.

⁴⁵ Affidavit of Silberrand, H., Ncheu DC, 17 06 1915. S2/68/19.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ NC I/23/2. A government report on Watchtower compiled after the rising stated that Watchtower literature was circulated to Seventh Day Baptists, Church of Christ, Native Church of Christ and other ‘independent native religious teachers’. S2/68/19.

⁴⁷ See Eliot, Yohan Achirwa to Lot Collection Chiwembe, 6 10. 1914. NCN 4/I/I.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Utale Convent Diary 7 Aug. 1914. A witchfinder from Mbalaze village had considerable success. We are indebted to Sister Marie-Terese, Providence Teachers' Training College, Mlanje, for allowing us to read this diary.

⁴⁹ Sio/I/8/3.

⁵⁰ Chilembwe, to Peters, 20 10 1908. The first meeting of the Union was on 24 Apr. 1909 and the last scheduled meeting in December that year. Sio/I/8/3.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Peter's opening speech drew heavily on Washington's writing, e.g. ‘I have never met one who had learnt a trade and regretted it in manhood’. Blacks had to work ‘quietly, patiently, doggedly’ to create ‘visible, tangible, indisputable … products and signs of civilisation’. ‘Truck-farms’, i.e. market gardens are also mentioned. Many of the words carried over them a dictionary definition where Peters had looked them up. For Washington's influence see Rotberg, , Protest and Power, 364.Google Scholar

⁵² Rotberg, , Protest and Power, 361.Google Scholar

⁵³ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 69–72.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Extract of a letter read at Mataka's trial. Sio/I/3.

⁵⁵ Sio/I/1.

⁵⁶ Achirwa, E. Y. to John, Chilembwe 26 07 1914, c/o Richard Zuze, Limbe. NCN 4/I/I.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 232.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Moggridge, to secretariat 11 12. 1914.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Mitchell, to Moggridge, 18 08. 1914. Sio/1/6.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Milthorp, to Moggridge, 19 10. 1914. The testimony of Lupiya Zalela, alias kettleo, was that Johnson Zilongola rallied his group in the attack on Ferguson and Robertson by telling them that the Europeans would attack the Africans on 25 Jan. 19 Feb. 1915. S10/1/6, S10/1/3.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Milthorp, to Moggridge, , 19 10. 1914. S10/1/6.Google Scholar

⁶² Revelation 20: 7–10 ‘Satan will be released from prison and … deceive all the nations in the four quarters of the earth, Gog and Magog, and mobilise them for war…. They will come swarming over the entire country and beseige the camp of the saints which is the city that God loves.’ Cf. a ChiTonga Watchtower tract found at Ncheu: ‘The Europeans are Magog because they are of the tribe of Japhet and the people of Ham, the natives, are crying because the people of Magog are stealing all their possessions.’ S2/68/19.

⁶³ Turnbull, to Moggridge, , 23 02. 1915:Google Scholar ‘Wilson Daniel Kusita, Ngoni, resided for about ten years at John Chilembwe's village. Closely identified with Chilembwe's Church. Recently a preacher of the Watchtower Society at Maganga's village, Mphezi, Liwonde sub-division and in Ncheu division.’ S10/I/6. Cardew and Turnbull, unlike Moggridge, were far more aware of differences between the churches. Kusita appears in a photograph taken c. 1912 of P.I.M. members, see Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 294.Google ScholarTurnbull, to Moggridge, , 15 02. 1915, describes Boloweza as ‘nominally’ a teacher of the Watchtower Society at the same villages as Kusita. He appears with Kusita on the 1912 photograph. S10/I/6.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Oral Testimony. Pio Ntwere, Catholic catechist at Nguludi 1910–71. Interviewed at Nguludi mission, Mar. 1971. S2/18/22.

⁶⁵ Evidence given by Betty, , wife of Gordon, , Mataka in Blantyre 1 02. 1915: ‘One such occasion was Saturday January 16th 1915.’ It is not improbable that she could recall something said by Njilima only two weeks earlier. S10/I/5.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Statement made by Moffat Kuchandika, cattle kapitao at Ferguson's for eighteen years. Not a suspect. S10/1/5.

⁶⁷ Moggridge, to Secretariat 24 10. 1914. ‘Chilembwe by the way, although he apparently holds the belief in a and advent due this month has nothing to do with the Church of Christ.’ Moggridge invariably confused Church of Christ with Watchtower, some measure of the penetration of the smaller Protestant sects by Watchtower literature. S10/I/6.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Statement of P.I.M. mamber, Amon, Mankaule 24 03. 1915. S10/I/3.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ An open letter to his ‘Dear Brothers and Co-Labourers in the harvest’ was sent by Kamwana from Chinde as soon as he heard about the war. He informed them that Germany, Austria, Hungary and Turkey were fighting against France and England. 9 08. 1914. S10/1/8/2.

⁷⁰ Daniel, chapters 10, 11 and 12.

⁷¹ Turnball, to Moggridge, 14 02. 1915:Google Scholar ‘I shall send you and Miltorp a copy of the Mission, P. I. “Christians' Roll Book during the war” written on 01 25th 1915. It contains 175 names.' It ‘was not completed as a number of important rebels are not entered’. S10/1/6.Google Scholar

⁷² Exodus 32: 32–3; Psalms 69: 28 and 139:16; Isaiah 4:3; Luke 10:20; Revelation 20:12.

⁷³ Daniel 12:1–2.

⁷⁴ For example Isaiah 4:3 has a very similar passage: ‘Those who are left of Zion and remain of Jerusalem shall be called holy and those left in Jerusalem noted down for survival.’

⁷⁵ See appendix for details of Njirayaffa.

⁷⁶ A treasury clerk wrote to Stephen Mkulichi, Chilembwe's brother-in-law, on 11 Nov. to tell him that it would be safer to send letters by runners. On 17 Nov. Milthorp wrote to Moggridge that Chilembwe was no longer sending for his letters at the Boma. S10/1/6.

⁷⁷ Chilembwe was not an over-cautions personality, and surprised a number of the Ncheu pastors by his letter to the Nyasaland Times, ‘in behalf of my countrymen’. Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 234–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Chilembwe, to Kusita, , 22 12. 1914. NCN 4/2/I. Italics ours, but the same passage was underlined by a government source when the letter was later found at Ncheu.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ The Watchtower doctrines of Pastor Taze Russell contained in a series Studies in the Scriptures, no. 4, The Battle of Armageddon (Brooklyn, 1897)Google Scholar being the most important in this context. See Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 458.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ The Watchtower, 09. 1914.Google Scholar Quoted in Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 230.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Matthew, Jadali to Bennet, Gospel Siyasiya, 14 11. 1914. Trans. ChiChewa. NCN 4/3/I.Google Scholar

⁸² Kuista, to Achirwa, E. Y., 16 12. 1914. NCN 4/I/I.Google Scholar

⁸³ Oral Testimony. Pio Ntwere and Ben Mononga, Alomwe, Plantation worker from Mkanga's village. Employed on Bruce estates at time of rising. He described Kaduya as ‘in charge of school affairs’. Interviewed Mar. 1969 at Chiradzulu Boma. Ntwere's and Mononga's information was confirmed by Kosamu Mpotola, Mpotola's village, Chiradzulu, in an interview at P.I.M. in Aug. 1969. Mpotola fought in the defence of the P.I.M. under Kaduya's command.

⁸⁴ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 406.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Evidence of George Massangano taken by Costley-White, E. on 26 01. 1915. S10/I/2.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid.

⁸⁷ Chilembwe, to Peters, , 26 03. 1914: ‘Believe I will square before I leave this country for Europe or America.’ Chilembwe was referring to his debts. S10/II8/3.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Turnbufl to Resident, Port Herald 19/2/15. The four askaris were Corporal Chidawale, Lance-Corporal Chikoko, Private Achille and Private Marekebu Njala, alias Joseph, bugler. Chidawale and Achille were Muslim Yao. NSP 1/2/2.

⁸⁹ Chilembwe was certainly interested in Islam and had several books on the topic in his library–Turnbull to Moggridge, Feb. 1915. S10/I/6. Similarly two out of the three headmen detained after the rising, Majawa and Fundi, were Muslim Yao— Turnbull, to Moggridge, , 22 02. 1915. S10/1/19. and S1/46/19. Auneau, in some notes prepared for an article on the rising, recorded that several of the rebels when caught were wearing amulets as war-medicine, a typical Yao practice from the nineteenth century. L. Auneau, Brouillons Montfort Archives, Rome. These must have been Kaduya's recruits.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Blantyre Mission Diary, 25 01. 1915. The priest was Fr. Guimard.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Statement of Mrs Roach confirmed by Mrs Stanton and Mrs Livingstone. S10//2. It is interesting that in the Final Battle of Isaiah 4:1 there is the same selectivity. ‘Your men will fall by the sword, your heroes in the fight. … And seven women will fight over a single man that day.’

⁹² Claud Ambrose Cardew was born at Sandhurst in 1870, the third son of Sir Frederick Cardew, former governor of Sierra Leone. He joined the British South Africa Police and guarded the Limpopo drifts against Boer incursions. He arrived in Nyasaland with a letter of introduction from Rhodes for Johnston. Hickman, A. S., Men who made Rhodesia, B.S.A. Co., S. Rhodesia, 1960.Google Scholar

⁹³ Nzama Mission Diary, 4 02. 1915: ‘Kamwamba has been given a £4 reward.’ In 01. 1915 James Kamwamba wrote to Chinyama: ‘You mean about the war, but I cannot try to do so… I cannot try to speak this to which I have heard.’ Nonetheless, Chinyama wrote again on 18 Jan. 1915 pleading with him to keep quiet, obviously too late. NCN 4/1/2.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ The timing of the visit can be guessed from a number of letters. On 14 Dec. 1914 Chinyama wrote from his own village to Njirajaffa with ‘Rev. Chilembwe’ as a forwarding address. On 8 Jan. 1915 James Poya Malangui wrote to Chinyama from Ncheu district: ‘Glad to hear that you have come back all right.’ Chilembwe, to Kusita, 22 12. 1914 indicates that ‘Brother Chinyama’ is at the P.I.M. It was then approximately from 17 12. 1914–1917 01. 1915 that the Ncheu side of the rising was planned. NCN 4/2/I and 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ NCN 4/2/I.

⁹⁶ Jordan Njirajaffa. See Appendix.

⁹⁷ David Shirt Chikakude. See Appendix.

⁹⁸ Chinyama, to Brother, W. B. Cockerill, 23 01. 1915.Google Scholar Letter forwarded by Cockerill, to Moggridge, , 31 01. 1915. S10//6.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Oral Testimony. Griven Chinkasi, teacher at Nthinda at the time, and Tom KabangaNdau, chief nduna to present chief Makwangwala. Interviewed at Malondo village, Dzunje, , 06 1915. Makwangwala ‘beat them with a stick to stop them going’. These oral testimonies are confirmed in case 91 of Philpo Chinyama in the Ncheu District Magistrate's Book, National Archives, Zomba.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Makwangwala was a product of the Baptist Industrial Mission at Gowa and went to Blantyre c. 1905 for further schooling. He was known at Chiradzulu by P.I.M. members and Pio Ntwere, who had no difficulty in distinguishing him from Barton Makwangwala, a Zomba headman, involved in the rising. According to Kabanga-Ndau, Makwangwala went to Durban in 1903, hoping to go on to the coronation of Edward, but never left SouthAfrica. His trip to South Africa would coincide with that of Kamwana and provides an interesting parallel with other important politico-religious figures in the pre-war period. A Ngoni chief, he belonged to the same war division, Mvimbo, as Chinyama, whose father had been an nduna of Makwangwala's father, Kabanga-Ndau. Personal Communication, Inkosi Willard Gomani III. Makwangwala was described in a handbook for DCs produced c. 1972 as ‘of some education and requires watching’. Chiefs and Headmen of Nyasaland, Society of Malawi Library, Blantyre.

¹⁰¹ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 293.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Governor Smith, G. to Governor of Mauritius, 14 08. 1976: ‘I regret I did not follow up the telegraphic communication which passed with Sir John Chancellor at the beginning of 1975 with a fuller statement of the situation. There was at the time grave reasons for believing that under the cloak of a missionary movement certain natives were preaching a seditious propaganda and I had in view the deportation of the leaders of the movement.’ Before action could be taken, the matter culminated in the rising of 23 01. 1915, led by John Chilembwe. S2/68/19.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ For example, Moses Chikwanje, the government clerk who warned Mkulichi, later tried and convicted of unlawful assembly. S10/1/3. B. Pachai also records an oral testimony that Chilembwe was warned of deportation—see ‘The Nyasaland rising of 1915; an assessment of events leading to it’, unpublished paper. Chancellor College Library, University of Malawi.

¹⁰⁴ All accounts given in interviews were strongly Biblicized, e.g. Chilembwe was for ever disappearing for periods of three days and then appearing suddenly to his followers as they prayed. ‘Major’ Kaduya, on the other hand, could be traced from his direction of the defence of the P.I.M. to his death as his machila carriers left him to flee. Interviews at P.I.M., 08. 1969 and a collection of interviews with old P.I.M. members, kindly lent to us by a Peace Corps worker, Lee Higdin, teacher at Chiradzulu Secondary School.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Rotberg, , The Rise, 87. Possibly also a Biblicization.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Moggridge, to Turnbull, , 6 08. 1915. He was with Morris Chilembwe and Stephen Mkulichi, S10/15.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Oral testimonies: Ntwere, Monoga, Mpotola.

¹⁰⁸ Njobvualema, who had accepted a Montfort mission in 1901, was by 1914 thoroughly opposed to the Catholic missionaries. See I. Linden and J. Linden, Ekiesia Katholika, chapters II and III.

¹⁰⁹ Njobvualema had left Kaloga on 27 Jan. The letter was taken to Ncheu by a catechist, Montfort, and read by the head catechist as the chief was illiterate. Nzama Mission Diary, 27 01. 1915 and 21 06 1915 and Oral Testimony of Maurillo Karvalo, Ngoni, Catholic catechist, interviewed at Nzama Mission, June 1969.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Nzama Mission Diary, 30 01. 1915.Google Scholar Makwangwala then put a rifle to his throat and committed suicide. Oral Testimony: Griven Chinkasi. According to Karvalo, Njobvualema was known to have been jealous of Makwangwala's education and the machila he used to travel in. An enormous brick monument to Makwangwala is to be found at Malondo village, an obvious act of defiance to the colonial authorities. See also Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 295.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Oral Testimony: Valentino Mwasika. Eye-witness and mission cook at the time, interviewed at Nguludi mission, Mar. 1970.

¹¹² Auneau, L., ‘Report on the burning of Nguludi Mission’, handwritten MS. and a letter of 5 Feb. 1915 to La Règne de jesuspar Marie, 02. 1915, 111–15, Montfort Archives, Rome.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Oral Testimony. Mwasika and Augusto Liboti, house servant at the mission, George village, Chiradzulu. Higdin interviews. Feb. 1969.

¹¹⁴ Auneau, Brouillons. The machila belonged to Auneau and was later returned.

¹¹⁵ Rotberg, , The Rise, 90.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 300–1. The authors proffer a number of suggestions as to why the attack was made.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Fr., Brung in a letter to Message,- de Marie-Reine des Coeurs, 02. 1915.Google Scholar The Montfort magazine for their Canadian province. ‘Ce fameux John Cilembur (sic) fier, orgueilleux et quelque peu illuminé’, and Auneau, L., ‘Christenvervolging in Shire’, Onze Missionarissen (our missionaries), 05 1915. In a letter sent before the rising to the Montfort magazine of the Dutch province he wrote: ‘Under the pretext of driving out the Europeans his main aim seems to be to attack the Catholic Religion and deal it a mortal blow’, trans. Dutch.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Brung and Auneau, Ibid.

¹¹⁹ Ekes, P. W., Een Afrikaansch Oproermaker (An African Rebel), Meersen (c. 1925), 14, 15. This book is in the possession of Rev. Dr J. M. Schoffeleers, Likulesi Catachetical Institute, Phalombe. We are very grateful for his directing us to, and helping to obtain, Dutch material on the rising.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ In an affidavit of Silberrand, H., DC, Ncheu, 29 06 1915, Government Trans. S2/68/19.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Pio Ntwere: Hostility grew up because Chilembwe thought Bruce was allowing Catholic schools on the estates. Ben Mononga: Chilembwe was annoyed at the collusion of Catholics in the burning down of P.I.M. prayer houses on the estates. Ntwere confirmed that on one occasion Chilembwe had warned Swelsen about one such incident.

¹²² Siyasiya, B. G. to Chikakude, D. S., 27 12. 1913. A letter sent by Siyasiya from the North Rand. NCN 4/3/I.Google Scholar

¹²³ Mwenda, to Governor of Nyasaland, 19 02. 1926.Google Scholar S2/8/26, quoted in Rotberg, , The Rise, 69.Google Scholar Auneau gave a first date as a Nov., when an attack was due. ‘The hostilities were due to begin on the night of November 2nd 1914. We do not know what the future holds in store for us.’ Onze Missionarissen, 05 1915. This would fit Kamwana's earlier prophecies of the parousia at the end of Oct. well.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Kusita, to Achirwa, , 16 12. 1914. NCN 4/1/I.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Letter ‘E’ (Letter D was 9 jan. 1915). Kusita to Achirwa Trans. Chichewa NCN 4/1/1. Siyasiya then wrote to Zuze, 15 01. 1915, ‘Wilson Kusita has left the truth because he wants to be as those people in that place (P.I.M.)’. NCN 4/3/1.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ For example, a typical Watchtower response was that of Achirwa to Kusita's defection: ‘Although we are suffering in the flesh we are rich in spirit and in hope and our true treasure is in heaven.’ Trans. ChiChewa. NCN 4/I/I.

¹²⁷ Shepperson, G., ‘Nyasaland and the Millennium’ in Millennial Dreams in Action, ed. Thrupp, S. (The Hague, 1962), 144–59.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the Nyasaland Native Rising, Nyasaland Government Gazette, Supplement, 31 01. 1956. Zomba, paragraph 14.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ ‘God alone’ and ‘About the Saviour’.

¹³⁰ Report on Hollis and Churches of Christ. Undated. S1/486/19.

¹³¹ Moggridge, to Milthorp, , 14 02. 1915: ‘I think many of them were sitting on the fence’—in reference to Yao chiefs and headmen. S10/19/.Google Scholar

¹³² Worsley, P., The Trumpet shall sound (London, 1957), 236.Google Scholar

¹³³ Another example comes from the Middle Ages. A mystic, Melchior Hoffman predicted that the end of the world would come in Strasbourg in 1533. He was imprisoned for life but his followers in Muntzer awaited the millennium with calm and confidence. By the beginning of 1534 a Dutch anabaptist, Jan Matthys, was able to direct their frustration at the failure of the millennium to dawn into active preparation for its inauguration by the sword. On 27 Feb. 1534 sri armed uprising expelled Lutherans and Catholics from the town of Muntazer. Cohn, , Pursuit of the Millennium, 279–86.Google Scholar