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THE ‘MUSLIM QUESTION’ IN HITLER'S BALKANS*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 October 2013

DAVID MOTADEL*
Affiliation:
Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge
*
Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, CB2 1TA[email protected]

Abstract

This article examines Germany's efforts to instrumentalize Islam in the Balkans during the Second World War. As German troops became more involved in the region from early 1943 onwards, German officials began to engage with the Muslim population, promoting Germany as the protector of Islam in south-eastern Europe. Focusing on Bosnia, Herzegovina, and the Sandžak of Novi Pazar, the article explores the relations between German authorities and religious leaders on the ground and enquires into the ways in which German propagandists sought to employ religious rhetoric, terminology, and iconography for political and military ends. Interweaving religious history with the history of military conflict, the article contributes more generally to our understanding of the politics of religion in the Second World War.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013 

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Footnotes

*

The author wishes to thank Ivo Banac, Richard J. Evans, Rachel G. Hoffman, Noel Malcolm, Nicholas Stargardt and the anonymous referees for their comments on earlier versions of this article.

References

1 Fedrigotti to Foreign Office, 27 Apr. 1941, Belgrade, Political Archives of the Foreign Office, Berlin (PA), R 60681.

2 Fedrigotti to Foreign Office, 21 Apr. 1941, Sarajevo, PA, R 60681 (also in PA, R 27363).

3 Fedrigotti to Foreign Office, 19 Apr. 1941, Ključ, PA, R 60681 (also in PA, R 27363); and Fedrigotti to Foreign Office, 27 Apr. 1941, Belgrade, PA, R 60681.

4 The most comprehensive work remains Tomasevich, Jozo, War and revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: occupation and collaboration (Stanford, CA, 2001)Google Scholar, esp. pp. 466–510. On Bosnia in particular, see Redžić, Enver, Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War (New York, NY, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo i 13. SS Divizija: Autonomija Bosne i Hercegovine i Hitlerov Treći Rajh (Sarajevo, 1987); and Hoare, Marko Attila, Genocide and resistance in Hitler's Bosnia: the partisans and the Chetniks, 1941–1943 (Oxford, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Significant general studies include Shepherd, Ben, Terror in the Balkans: German armies and partisan warfare (Cambridge MA, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pavlowitch, Stevan K., Hitler's new disorder: the Second World War in Yugoslavia (New York, NY, 2008)Google Scholar; Meyer, Hermann Frank, Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-Division im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Berlin, 2008)Google Scholar; Schmider, Klaus, Partisanenkrieg in Jugoslawien, 1941–1945 (Hamburg, 2002)Google Scholar; Hehn, Paul N., The German struggle against Yugoslav guerrillas in World War II (New York, NY, 1979)Google Scholar; Fricke, Gert, Kroatien, 1941–1944: Der ‘Unabhängige Staat’ in der Sicht des Deutschen Bevollmächtigten Generals in Agram Glaise v. Horstenau (Freiburg, 1972)Google Scholar; and the classic by Broszat, Martin and Hory, Ladislaus, Der Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, 1941–1945 (Stuttgart, 1965)Google Scholar.

5 Hasanbegović, Zlatko, Muslimani u Zagrebu, 1878–1945 (Zagreb, 2007), pp. 167386Google Scholar; and Greble, Emily, Sarajevo, 1941–1945: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Hitler's Europe (Ithaca NY, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, for an overview, Heuberger, Valeria, ‘Islam and Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina during World War II: a survey’, in Gevers, Lieve and Bank, Jan, eds., Religion under siege, ii: Protestant, Orthodox and Muslim communities in occupied Europe, 1939–1950 (Leuven et al., 2007), pp. 175–93Google Scholar, esp. pp. 183–8; and on the Muslim population in the civil war, see also the literature in n. 11.

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7 A comprehensive account of Germany's engagement with Islam on the North African, Middle Eastern, Balkan, and Eastern fronts is provided by David Motadel, ‘Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941–1945’ (Ph.D., Cambridge, 2010); and, for some facets of this policy, see Höpp, Gerhard, ‘Der Koran als “Geheime Reichssache”: Bruchstücke deutscher Islampolitik zwischen 1938 und 1945’, in Preißler, Holger and Seiwert, Hubert, eds., Gnosisforschung und Religionsgeschichte: Festschrift für Kurt Rudolph zum 65. Geburtstag (Marburg, 1994), pp. 435–46Google Scholar. More specific studies, which have stressed the role of Islam in German war policies in different regions, include, on the Eastern front, von zur Mühlen, Patrik, Zwischen Hakenkreuz und Sowjetstern: Der Nationalismus der Sowjetischen Orientvölker im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Düsseldorf, 1971)Google Scholar; and Hoffmann, Joachim, Kaukasien, 1942/1943: Das deutsche Heer und Orientvoelker der Sowjetunion (Freiburg, 1991)Google Scholar; on the Arab world, Hirszowicz, Łukaz, The Third Reich and the Arab East (London, 1966)Google Scholar; and Herf, Jeffrey, Nazi propaganda to the Arab world (New Haven, CT, 2009)Google Scholar; and, on the collaboration of the famous Mufti of Jerusalem, Schechtman, Joseph B., The Mufti and the Fuehrer: the rise and fall of Haj Amin el-Husseini (New York, NY, et al., 1965)Google Scholar; Lebel, Jennie, The Mufti of Jerusalem Haj-Amin el-Husseini and national-socialism (Belgrade, 2007)Google Scholar; and Gensicke, Klaus, The Mufti of Jerusalem and the Nazis: the Berlin years (London and Portland, OR, 2011)Google Scholar.

8 Scholars have mostly studied religion on the Eastern front, see Fireside, Harvey, Icon and swastica: the Russian Orthodox Church under Nazi and Soviet control (Cambridge, 1971)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Alexeev, Wassilij and Stavrou, Theofanis G., The great revival: the Russian Church under German occupation (Minneapolis, MN, 1976)Google Scholar; Wilhelm, Hans-Heinrich, ‘Der SD und die Kirchen in den besetzten Ostgebieten 1941/1942’, Militaergeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 29 (1981), pp. 5599CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Škarovskij, Michail, ‘Deutsche Kirchenpolitik auf dem besetzten Territorium der USSR, 1941–1944’, in Gorzka, Gabriele and Stang, Knut, eds., Der Vernichtungskrieg im Osten: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht in der Sowjetunion aus Sicht russischer Historiker (Kassel, 1999), pp. 6985Google Scholar; Rein, Leonid, ‘The Orthodox Church in Byelorussia under Nazi occupation, 1941–1944’, East European Quarterly, 39 (2005), pp. 1346Google Scholar; Heyer, Friedrich, Die Orthodoxe Kirche in der Ukraine von 1917 bis 1945 (Cologne, 1953), pp. 170227Google Scholar; Kleßmann, Christoph, ‘Nationalsozialistische Kirchenpolitik und Nationalitätenfrage im Generalgouvernement (1939–1945)’, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 18 (1970), pp. 575600Google Scholar; and Śmigiel, Kazimierz, Die katholische Kirche im Reichsgau Wartheland 1939–1945 (Dortmund, 1984)Google Scholar. On the Western front, see Duquesne, Jacques, Les catholiques français sous l'occupation (Paris, 1966)Google Scholar; Drapac, Vesna, War and religion: Catholics in the churches of occupied Paris (Washington, DC, 1998)Google Scholar; and Bédarida, Renée, Les catholiques dans la guerre, 1939–1945: entre Vichy et la Résistance (Paris 1998)Google Scholar; Dantoing, Alain, ‘La hierarchie catholique et la Belgique sous l'occupation allemande’, Revue du Nord, 60 (1978), pp. 311–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, La ‘collaboration’ du cardinal: l’église de Belgique dans la Guerre 40 (Brussels, 1991); and Manning, A. F., ‘De Nederlandse Katholieken in de eerste jaren van de Duitse bezetting’, Jaarboek van het Katholiek Documentatie Centrum, 8 (1978), pp. 105–29Google Scholar. On the Northern front, see Murtorinne, Eino, ‘Die nordischen Kirchen im Zweiten Weltkrieg’, in Nicolaisen, Carsten, ed., Nordische und deutsche Kirchen im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1982), pp. 212–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Overviews of religions under German occupation are given by de Montclos, Xavier, Les chrétiens face au nazisme et au stalinisme: l’épreuve totalitaire, 1939–1945 (Paris, 1983)Google Scholar; and by the articles in part i of Hummel, Karl-Joseph and Kösters, Christoph, eds., Kirchen im Krieg: Europa, 1939–1945 (Paderborn et al., 2007)Google Scholar; and in Gevers, Lieve and Bank, Jan, eds., Religion under siege, i: The Roman Catholic church in occupied Europe, 1939–1950, and ii: Protestant, Orthodox and Muslim communities in occupied Europe, 1939–1950 (Leuven et al., 2007)Google Scholar, which contains one chapter on Muslims, i.e. the quoted article on Muslims in the Ustaša state (see n. 5).

9 On Islam in the Ottoman Balkans, see Sugar, Peter F., Southeastern Europe under Ottoman rule, 1354–1804 (Seattle, WA, 1977)Google Scholar; and, for the later phase, Karčić, Fikret, The Bosniaks and the challenge of modernity: late Ottoman and Hapsburg times (Sarajevo, 1999)Google Scholar, which also provides a good overview of Islam under Habsburg rule. On Islam in the Habsburg era, see Donia, Robert J., Islam under the Double Eagle: the Muslims of Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1978–1914 (New York, NY, 1981)Google Scholar; Hauptmann, Ferdinand, ‘Die Mohammedaner in Bosnien-Hercegovina’, in Wandruszka, Adam and Urbanitsch, Peter, eds., Die Habsburgermonarchie, 1848–1918, iv: Die Konfessionen (Vienna, 1985), pp. 670701Google Scholar; Džaja, Srećko M., Bosnien-Herzegowina in der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Epoche, 1878–1918: Die Intelligentsia zwischen Tradition und Ideologie (Munich, 1994)Google Scholar; Mufaku al-Arnaut, Muhamed, ‘Islam and Muslims in Bosnia, 1878–1918: two hijras and two fatwās’, Journal of Islamic Studies, 5 (1994), pp. 242–53Google Scholar; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 29–51; and Popovic, Alexandre, L'Islam balkanique: les musulmans du sud-est européen dans la période post-ottomane (Berlin, 1986), pp. 269310Google Scholar. And on Islam in interwar Yugoslavia, see Ferhadbegović, Sabina, ‘Fez oder Hut? Der Islam in Bosnien zwischen den Weltkriegen’, Wiener Zeitschrift zur Geschichte der Neuzeit, 5 (2005), pp. 6985Google Scholar; Bougarel, Xavier, ‘Farewell to the Ottoman legacy? Islamic reformism and revivalism in inter-war Bosnia-Herzegovina’, in Clayer, and Germain, , eds., Islam in inter-war Europe, pp. 313–43Google Scholar; Aruçi, Muhammed, ‘The Muslim minority in Macedonia and its educational institutions during the inter-war period’, in Clayer, and Germain, , eds., Islam in inter-war Europe, pp. 344–61Google Scholar; Karčić, Fikret, ‘The reform of Shari'a courts and Islamic law in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1918–1941’, in Clayer, and Germain, , eds., Islam in inter-war Europe, pp. 253–70Google Scholar; idem, Šeriatski Sudovi u Jugoslaviji, 1918–1941 (Seriat courts in Yugoslavia, 1918–1941) (Sarajevo, 1986); Purivatra, Atif, Jugoslovenska Muslimanska Organizacija u Političkom Životu Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Sarajevo, 1974)Google Scholar; Kamberović, Musnija, Mehmed Spaho, 1883–1939: Politička Biografija (Sarajevo, 2009)Google Scholar; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 53–166; and Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 310–36.

10 On Islam in Ustaša state, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 488–94; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 68, 85–7, 166–9 and 172; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 9–20; Greble, Sarajevo, esp. pp. 58, 76–81, 84–5, 120–9, 192–5, 213–17, and 253; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 167–386; and Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 336–42.

11 On the Muslim population in the civil war, see literature in n. 4, esp. Tomasevich, War and revolution, esp. pp. 491–4; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, esp. pp. 63–118 and 169–77; and idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, esp. pp. 29–62; as well as Edmond Paris, Genocide in satellite Croatia, 1941–1945: a record of racial and religious persecutions and massacres (Chicago, IL, 1961), pp. 119–26; Jelinek, Yeshayahu, ‘Nationalities and minorities in the independent state of Croatia’, Nationalities Papers, 8 (1980), pp. 195210CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 200–3; idem, ‘Bosnia-Herzegovina at war: relations between Moslems and non-Moslems’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 5 (1990), pp. 275–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dulić, Tomislav, ‘Mass killing in the independent state of Croatia, 1941–1945: a case for comparative research’, Journal of Genocide Research, 8 (2006), pp. 255–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 265–70; and Mirković, Damir, ‘Victims and perpetrators in the Yugoslav genocide, 1941–1945: some preliminary observations’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 7 (1993), pp. 317–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 321–2. For excellent overviews of the Muslims in the civil war in Bosnia, see Malcolm, Noel, Bosnia: a short history (London, 1994), pp. 174–92Google Scholar; Hoare, Marko Attila, The history of Bosnia: from the Middle Ages to the present day (London, 2007), pp. 197308Google Scholar; and Donia, Robert J., Sarajevo: a biography (London, 2006), pp. 168203CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dedijer, Vladimir and Miletić, Antun, eds., Genocid nad Muslimanima, 1941–1945: Zbornik Dokumenata i Svedočenja (Sarajevo, 1990)Google Scholar, provides a selection of primary documents on the civil war and Četnik violence against Muslims.

12 On 18 Feb. 1942, the German envoy in Zagreb, Kasche, forwarded a number of appeals from local Muslim groups to (Muslim) Ustaša authorities, complaining about their religious persecution, to Berlin, see Kasche to Foreign Office, 18 Feb. 1942, Zagreb, PA, R 60608, and, attached, Memorandum (‘Beschwerde der muselmanischen Bezirksbeauftragten von Prijedor an einige angesehene Muselmanen’), 23 Sept. 1941, Prijedor, PA, R 60608; and Memorandum (‘Denkschrift des Sarajevo Ulema-Verein “El Hidaja”’), 12 Oct. 1941, PA, R 60608; and Memorandum (‘Denkschrift der muselmanischen Vertreter aus Banja Luka’), 12 Nov. 1941, Banja Luka, PA, R 60608.

13 People's Committee (‘Volkskomitee’), Memorandum, 1 Nov. 1942, Sarajevo, PA, R 261144. The twenty-page memorandum was first assessed by army officials and then forwarded to Hitler at the end of 1942, see Wehrmacht Intelligence (Amt Ausland/Abwehr) to Reich Chancellery, 28 Dec. 1942, Berlin, PA, R 261144. On the memorandum and Muslim appeals to the Germans and Italians, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 489 and 494–6; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 19, 168, and 177–80; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 71–9; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 163–6; and, for a Croatian translation of the complete memorandum, Dedijer and Antun Miletić, eds., Genocid nad Muslimanima, pp. 249–64.

14 People's Committee (‘Volkskomitee’), Memorandum, 1 Nov. 1942, Sarajevo, PA, R 261144.

15 On the intensified German involvement in the Balkans in 1942–3, see literature in n. 4.

16 Lüters, Report (‘Aufstandsbewegung der Cetniks’), 5 May 1943, n.p., Federal Military Archive, Freiburg (MA), RS 3–7/16.

17 Wurianek (Army), Report (‘Bericht über Bosnien’), 10 July 1943, Graz, MA, RH 31-III/5; and Wurianek, Speech (‘Vortrag vor der Mannschaft der Kampftruppe Ost- und West-Bosnien’), 10 July 1943, Graz, MA, RH 31-iii/5.

18 SS Reich Security Head Office, Intelligence Report (‘Muselmanenproblem’), n.d., n.p., Federal Archives, Berlin-Lichterfelde (BA), R 58/92; and for views of other observers on the ground, NSDAP Organization Croatia, Report (‘Monatsbericht’), 31 Dec. 1942, Sarajevo, MA, RH 31-iii/5, which was forwarded by the NSDAP Landesgruppenleiter Rudolf Empting to Horstenau, 13 Jan. 1943, Zagreb, MA, RH 31-iii/5; and Hille (Croatian representative of the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg), Report, 19 Aug. 1942, Zagreb, Russian State Military Archive (Rossiiskii Gosudarstvenni Voennyi Arkhiv), Moscow, Special Collection (Osobyi Archive), accessed through Archives of the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, Washington (USHMA), RG 11/Reel 131.

19 Meyer, Blutiges Edelweiß, p. 119. Also representatives of the SS and the Foreign Office agreed about the exploitation of the Muslims for the pacification of the Sandžak, see Gredler (Foreign Office), Internal Note (‘Bericht des Ustascha-Kommissars Murat Bayrović über die Lage im Sandschak’), 12 Apr. 1943, Berlin, PA, R 100998. On a description of the co-operation with Muslim militias on the ground, see the memoirs by Thilo, Karl Wilhelm, ‘Der Einsatz auf dem Balkan’, in Lanz, Hubert, ed., Gebirgsjäger: Die 1. Gebirgsdivision, 1935–1945 (Bad Nauheim, 1954), pp. 242–77Google Scholar, esp. pp. 253 and 245–6.

20 On Albania under German control, see Fischer, Bernd J., Albania at war, 1939–1945 (London, 1999), pp. 157256Google Scholar; idem, ‘German political policy in Albania, 1943–1944’, in Richard B. Spence and Linda Nelson, eds., Scholar, patriot, mentor: historical essays in honor of Dimitrije Djordjević (Boulder, CO, 1992), pp. 219–33; Neuwirth, Hubert, Widerstand und Kollaboration in Albanien, 1939–1944 (Wiesbaden, 2008)Google Scholar; Stamm, Christoph, ‘Zur deutschen Besetzung Albaniens, 1943–1944’, Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 30 (1981), pp. 99120Google Scholar; Malcolm, Noel, Kosovo: a short history (London, 1998), pp. 304–13Google Scholar; and, on religion in wartime Albania, Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 36–42; and Rocca, Roberto Morozzo Della, Nazione e Religione in Albania, 1920–1944 (Bologna, 1990), pp. 167246Google Scholar, which points to German non-interference in the country's Islamic institutions and the work of the ulema, headed by Sherif Langu.

21 On the Muslims of the Epirus area, see Mark Mazower, ‘Three forms of political justice: Greece, 1944–1945’, in idem, ed., After the war was over: reconstructing the family, nation and state in Greece, 1943–1960 (Princeton, NJ, 2000), pp. 24–41, at pp. 24–6; Meyer, Blutiges Edelweiß, pp. 151–2, 204, 463–76, 539, and 620–1; Fischer, Albania at war, pp. 70–6, 85, and 168–9; and, for an account from the perspective of the Chams, Beqir Meta, The Cham tragedy (Tirana, 2007), pp. 59–105; and the documents in Elsie, Robert and Destani, Bejtullah D., eds., The Cham Albanians of Greece: a documentary history (London, 2013), pp. 335–94Google Scholar. Germany's policy towards the Muslims of Greece will not be addressed in this article. It seems that Islam only played a marginal role in the occupation policies in Greece, although, in the Aegean, army officials tried to co-opt religious figures like the Mufti of Rhodes, Seyh Suleyman Kaslioglu, to stabilize the late German occupation regime, see Headquarters of Commander East-Aegean, Report (‘Stimmungsbericht’), 17 Nov. 1944, n.p., MA, RH 19XI/38, 221. Kaslioglu hid some invaluable Torah scrolls in the pulpit of the island's Murat Reis Mosque during the war, see Benatar, Isaac, Rhodes and the Holocaust: the story of the Jewish community from the Mediterranean island of Rhodes (Bloomington, IN, 2010)Google Scholar, pp. 22–3 and 84. The German military authorities estimated that c. 130,000 lived in occupied Greece, see Headquarters of High Command Army Group E to Headquarters of Commander South-East, n.d. (Mar. 1944), n.p., MA, RH 19XI/10b.

22 Neubacher, Hermann, Sonderauftrag Südost, 1940–1945: Bericht eines fliegenden Diplomaten (Göttingen et al., 1956), pp. 32–3Google Scholar and, similarly, p. 160.

23 On confessional bonds and politics in the Muslim areas of the Balkans, see Marco Dogo, ‘The Balkan nation-states and the Muslim question’, in idem and Stefano Bianchini, eds., Balkans: national identities in a historical perspective (Ravenna, 1998), pp. 61–74; Pedro Ramet, ‘Religion and nationalism in Yugoslavia’, in idem, ed., Religion and nationalism in Soviet and East European politics (Durham, NC, 1984), pp. 149–69, esp. pp. 156–8; Banac, Ivo, The national question in Yugoslavia: origins, history, politics (Ithaca, NY, 1984), pp. 359–78Google Scholar; and, more specifically, idem, ‘Bosnian Muslims: from religious community to socialist nationhood and post-communist statehood, 1918–1992’, in Mark Pinson, ed., The Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina: their historical development from the Middle Ages to the dissolution of Yugoslavia (Cambridge, MA, 1994), pp. 129–53; and Velikonja, Mitja, Religious separation and political intolerance in Bosnia-Herzegovina (College Station, TX, 2003)Google Scholar. Mazower, Mark, The Balkans: a short history (London, 2000)Google Scholar, provides a brilliant account of the Balkan communities before and after the nation-state.

24 On the Balkan tour of the Mufti, see Schechtman, The Mufti and the Fuehrer, p. 139; Lebel, The Mufti of Jerusalem, pp. 181–9; Gensicke, The Mufti of Jerusalem, pp. 132–5; Tomasevich, War and revolution, p. 498; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 34, 39, and 182; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 91–102; Broszat and Hory, Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, p. 156; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 170–1; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 192–5, 208, 411, and for an Ustasha security report about the visit, pp. 506–7.

25 Berger to Himmler, 27 Mar. 1943, Berlin, BA, R19/2255.

26 Al-Husseini to Foreign Office, 30 Apr. 1943, Berlin, PA, R 27322 (also in PA, R 100998). Muslim attempts to send a delegation to the Mufti in Berlin failed, see documents in PA, R 60608. In his memoirs, al-Husseini claims that he had received telegraphs from the Balkans asking for a reception in Berlin, but that the Foreign Office had not given permission, see al-Husseini, Amin, Mudhakkirat al-Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, ed., ‘Abd al-Karim al-'Umar (Damascus, 1999), pp. 137–8Google Scholar. On the visit of the delegation to Rome, see also Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 494–5; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 175–6; and idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 64–7.

27 Kramer, Martin, Islam assembled: the advent of the Muslim Congress (New York, NY, 1986), pp. 132Google Scholar and 162; and, on the Mufti's own assessment of the relevance of these ties during the war, Al-Husseini, Mudhakkirat, p. 137.

28 Kasche to Foreign Office, 13 Aug. 1942, Zagreb, PA, R 27327.

29 Quoted ibid.

30 Berger to Himmler, 27 Mar. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255.

32 Berger to Himmler, 19 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255.

33 For a schedule of the tour, see Berger to Himmler, 19 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255.

34 Ibid.; and, on his meetings, also Kasche to Foreign Office, 12 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 27322; Ettel, Internal Note, 16 Apr. 1943, Berlin, R 27322, as well as, on al-Husseini's own account of his tour and his meetings with religious dignitaries, Al-Husseini, Mudhakkirat, pp. 138–40 and 143.

35 Al-Husseini, Mudhakkirat, p. 143.

36 Winkler, Report (‘Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens’), 4 May 1943, Berlin, PA, R 67675.

37 German News Agency, Confidential Report (‘Vertrauliches Rohmaterial’), 16 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 27327.

38 Winkler, Report (‘Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens’), 4 May 1943, Berlin, PA, R 67675.

39 German News Agency, Confidential Report (‘Vertrauliches Rohmaterial’), 16 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 27327.

40 German News Agency, Confidential Report (‘Vertrauliches Rohmaterial’), 21 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 27327.

41 US Intelligence (FBIS), Report, 22 Apr. 1943, USNA, accessed through USHMA, RG 6, Reel 22.

42 Al-Husseini to Foreign Office, 30 Apr. 1943, Berlin, PA, R 27322.

43 Berger to Himmler, 19 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255; and similarly, ten days later, Berger to Himmler, 29 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, NS 19/2601.

44 Berger to Himmler, 19 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255.

45 Lüters, Report (‘Aufstandsbewegung der Cetniks’), 5 May 1943, n.p., MA, RS 3–7/16.

46 Al-Husseini, Mudhakkirat, p. 139. He also made the same complaint after his return to Berlin to Ettel, Internal Note, 16 Apr. 1943, Berlin, PA, R 27322.

47 Woermann, Internal Note, 29 Apr. 1943, Berlin, USHMA, RG 71, Box 91.

48 Berger to Himmler, 19 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255.

50 Phleps (Commander of the 7th Volunteer SS Mountain Division ‘Prinz Eugen’) to Jüttner (Chief of the SS Leadership Head Office), 19 Apr. 1943, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601; the report was forwarded by Jüttner to Himmler, 27 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, NS 19/2601.

51 Berger to Himmler, 19 Apr. 1943, Berlin, BA, R 19/2255. Kasche explained that he did not receive the Mufti because he believed that the trip was of an entirely ‘private character’, Kasche to Foreign Office, 12 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 27322.

52 Kasche to Foreign Office, 28 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 100998.

53 Winkler, Report (‘Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens’), 4 May 1943, Berlin, PA, R 67675. On Winkler's stay in Sarajevo and Zagreb between 14 and 22 Apr. 1943, see Kasche to Foreign Office, 28 Apr. 1943, Zagreb, PA, R 100998; and, attached, German Legation in Zagreb, Report (‘Übersicht über den Inhalt der einzelnen Gespräche während Reise Konsul Winkler, Dr. Katschinka und Herr Oertel’), n.d. (28 Apr. 1943), Zagreb, PA, R 100998.

54 Winkler, Report (‘Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens’), 4 May 1943, Berlin, PA, R 67675.

56 Propaganda Division South-East, Report (‘Lage- und Tätigkeitsbericht für den Monat Aug. 1942’), 4 Sept. 1942, Belgrade, MA, RW 4/232.

57 Propaganda Brochure ‘Život Muslimana u Njemačkoj’, n.d. (Feb. 1943), MA, RH 45/73.

58 Data Sheet on ‘Islam i Židovstvo’, n.d. (Feb. 1943), MA, RH 45/76; and, on the content, Casagrande, Thomas, Die volksdeutsche SS-Division ‘Prinz Eugen’: Die Banater Schwaben und die nationalsozialistischen Kriegsverbrechen (Frankfurt and New York, NY, 2003), p. 333Google Scholar; and Lebel, The Mufti of Jerusalem, pp. 311–19, which includes the full translation of the booklet on pp. 313–19.

59 Pamphlet ‘Muslimani!’, MA, RH 45/51; and, for the German translation, see Pamphlet ‘Muselmanen!’ (German translation), MA, RH 45/51; for details about the pamphlet and its distribution, see Data Sheet on ‘Muslimani!’, June 1943, MA, RH 45/51.

60 Pamphlet ‘Kämpfer des NOV!’ (German translation), n.d., MA, RH 45/49.

61 Pamphlet ‘Braćo muslimani!’, n.d., MA, RH 45/51.

62 Pamphlet ‘Muslimani Bosne i Hercegovine!’, n.d., MA, RH 45/59.

63 Pamphlet ‘Treba li Staljinov plan da bude stvarnost?’, n.d., MA, RH 45/53.

64 Pamphlet ‘Borci bosanskih i muslimanskih brigada!’, n.d., MA, RH 45/61.

65 Pamphlet ‘353 ubijenih Muslimana obtužuju Titu u području Vlasenice’, n.d., MA, RH 45/53.

66 Pamphlet ‘Pucaj sa topom u džamiju!’, n.d., MA, RH 45/59.

67 Pamphlet ‘Borci Muslimani’, n.d., MA, RH 45/59.

68 Pamphlet ‘Braćo Muslimani!’, n.d., MA, RH 45/59.

69 Propaganda Division South-East, Report (‘Lage- und Tätigkeitsbericht für den Monat Aug. 1942’), 4 Sept. 1942, Belgrade, MA, RW 4/232.

70 Propaganda Poster, n.d., MA, RH 45/54; the poster was printed 8,000 times on 7 Feb. 1944 and put up on 9 Feb. 1944 in Sarajevo, Banja Luka, Dubrovnik and other towns, see Data Sheet in MA, RH 45/54; and, for the poster depicting Roosevelt, see Propaganda Poster, n.d., MA, RH 45/54; this poster was printed in 10,000 copies on 1 Mar. 1944 and put up on 8 Mar. 1944 in Sarajveo, Banja Luka, Dubrovnik, and other towns, see Data Sheet in MA, RH 45/54.

71 Pamphlet ‘Muslimani, Katolici i Pravoslavci Bosne’, n.d., MA, RH 45/48; and, for the German translation, see Pamphlet ‘Muselmanen, Katholiken, Pravoslaven Bosniens’ (German translation), n.d., MA, RH 45/48; Pamphlet ‘Kroaten und Serben: Muselmanen, Katholiken und Pravoslaven’ (German translation), n.d. (Oct. 1943), MA, RH 37/6853; and Pamphlet ‘Poštenim Hrvatima, Muslimanima i Pravoslavcima u partizanskim redovima!’, n.d., MA, RH 45/59.

72 Pamphlet ‘Muslimani, Katolici i Pravoslavci’, n.d., MA, RH 45/48; and, for the German translation, see Pamphlet ‘Muselmanen, Katholiken und Pravoslaven’ (German translation), n.d., MA, RH 45/48.

73 Structure Plan, Office for Political and Ideological Education the 13th SS Waffen Mountain Division ‘Handžar’, 2 Mar. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

74 Wangemann (Chief of the Office for Political and Ideological Education of the 13th SS Waffen Mountain Division ‘Handžar’), Report (‘Tätigkeitsbericht der Abt. VI’), 4 Apr. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

76 Ibid.; and Wangemann to Sauberzweig (Commander of the 13th SS Waffen Mountain Division ‘Handžar’), 10 Apr. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

77 Propaganda Division (Waffen-SS Standarte ‘Kurt Eggers’) to Brandt (Himmler's Staff), Berlin, 8 Nov. 1943, BA, NS 19/2601.

78 Wangemann, Report (‘Tätigkeitsbericht der Abt. VI’), 4 Apr. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

79 Sauberzweig, Propaganda Letter ‘Moji dragi momci!’, 28 Feb. 1944, n.p., BA, NS19/2601; and, for the German translation, see Sauberzweig, Propaganda Letter ‘Meine lieben Männer’ (German translation), 25 Feb. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

80 Pamphlet (Draft) ‘An alle Flüchtlinge!’ (German translation), n.d., BA, NS 19/2601.

81 Pamphlet ‘Bosniaken und Bosniakinen!’ (German translation), n.d., BA, NS 19/2601.

82 Sauberzweig, Order (‘Stellung der Imame innerhalb der Division’), 8 Mar. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

83 On Kulenović and Hadžić, see literature in n. 10.

84 Requard (German Legation in Zagreb), Report (‘Bericht über Dienstreise nach Sarajevo’), 2 June 1943, Zagreb, USHMA, RG 71, Box 237. Requard based his assessment on consultations with Islamic leaders, especially Ali Aganović.

85 Katschinka (German Legation in Zagreb), Report (‘Muselmanen’), 27 Mar. 1943, Zagreb, USHMA, RG 71, Box 237.

86 On the history of the Islamic institutions, see Donia, Islam under the Double Eagle, pp. 19–22; Hauptmann, ‘Die Mohammedaner in Bosnien-Hercegovina’, pp. 685–90; Džaja, Bosnien-Herzegowina in der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Epoche, pp. 58–64; Al-Arnaut, ‘Islam and Muslims in Bosnia, 1878–1918’, pp. 250–1; Karčić, The Bosniaks and the challenge of modernity, pp. 124–39; idem, ‘The office of Ra’īs al-‘Ulamā’ among the Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims)’, Intellectual Discourse, 5 (1997), pp. 109–20; idem, Šeriatski Sudovi u Jugoslaviji, 1918–1941; idem, ‘The reform of Shari'a courts and Islamic law’; Bougarel, ‘Farewell to the Ottoman legacy?’, p. 317; Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 273–8, 316–19, and 339; and, for a general overview, Ferhat Šeta, Reis-ul-Uleme u Bosni i Hercegovini i Jugoslaviji od 1882 do 1991 Godine (Sarajevo, 1991).

87 On Spaho, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 467 and 490; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 78 and 86–7; Bougarel, ‘Farewell to the Ottoman legacy?’, passim; Greble, Sarajevo, esp. pp. 30–7, 64–5, 76–81, 85, 96, 99, 101, 112–13, 115, 124, 126, and 166; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, passim; and Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, p. 339.

88 On Bašić, see Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, p. 174; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, p. 91; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 161–2 and 217; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, p. 293; and Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, p. 339.

89 Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 32 and 166.

90 On Handžić, see Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, p. 189; Bougarel, ‘Farewell to the Ottoman legacy?’, passim; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 34, 78, 126, and 214; and Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 119, 205–7, 210, and 261.

91 On El-Hidaje and the Young Muslims, see Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 103, 105, and 169; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 16, 123, 142–3, and 205–6; Karčić, ‘The reform of Shari'a courts and Islamic law’, p. 268; Bougarel, ‘Farewell to the Ottoman Legacy?’, passim; Greble, Saravejo, esp. pp. 33–4, 78, 160–3, 175–6, 184–5, 200–1, 214, 217, and 235; Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, passim; and Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 321, 328, and 340.

92 Mehmed Handžić, ‘Palestinski veliki muftija u Sarajevu’ (‘The Palestinian Grand Mufti in Sarajevo’), El-Hidaje, 6 (5 May 1943), pp. 250–2; the article includes the text of the speech given by al-Husseini after the Friday prayers in the Gazi Husrev Beg Mosque of Sarajevo (p. 251); and a portrait photo of the Mufti was printed on the front page of the issue. El-Hidaje is stored in the Gazi Husrev Beg Library (Gazi Husrev-Begova Biblioteka), Sarajevo.

93 German Legation in Zagreb, Report (‘Übersicht über den Inhalt der einzelnen Gespräche während Reise Konsul Winkler, Dr. Katschinka und Herr Oertel’), n.d. (28 Apr. 1943), Zagreb, PA, R 100998.

94 On Aganović, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, p. 491; Greble, Sarajevo, p. 128; and Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 293 and 341.

95 Requard, Report (‘Bericht über Dienstreise nach Sarajevo’), 2 June 1943, Zagreb, USHMA, RG 71, Box 237.

96 German Legation in Zagreb, Report (‘Übersicht über den Inhalt der einzelnen Gespräche während Reise Konsul Winkler, Dr. Katschinka und Herr Oertel’), n.d. (28 Apr. 1943), Zagreb, PA, R 100998.

97 On Pandža, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 411, 495, and 503–4; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 103, 174, 184–5, and 224; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 22–3, 139–43, and 147; Broszat and Hory, Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, p. 157; Bougarel, ‘Farewell to the Ottoman legacy?’, pp. 324–5; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 173–4, 184–6, 192, and 237; and Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 79–81, 205–10, and 345–6.

98 Bajrakitarović to Phelps, 15 Nov. 1943, Mostar, BA, NS 19/2601.

100 On Merhamet, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 409, 411, and 495; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, p. 174; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 123 and 142–3; Greble, Sarajevo, esp. pp. 34, 106, 139–41, 173–6, 213–17, 235, and 245–6; and Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 285, 287, 321, and 340.

101 Greble, Sarajevo, p. 174.

102 Langenberger (Headquaters of the 369th Infantry Division), Report (‘Niederschrift über eine Besprechung am 17.9.43 mit dem 2. Sekretär der “Muslimansko Dobrotvorno Društvo: Merhamet Sarajevo” namens Mechmed Tokitsch’), 17 Sept. 1943, n.p., BA, NS19/3893 (also in MA, N 756/183b).

103 Berger to Himmler, n.d. (Jan. 1944), Berlin, BA, NS 19/319; and, similarly, Berger to Himmler, 12 Jan. 1944, Berlin, BA, NS 19/2601.

104 Meine (Himmler's Staff) to Berger, n.d. (Jan. 1944), n.p., BA, NS 19/319.

105 Langenberger, Report (‘Niederschrift über eine Besprechung am 17.9.43 mit dem 2. Sekretär der “Muslimansko Dobrotvorno Društvo: Merhamet Sarajevo” namens Mechmed Tokitsch’), 17 Sept. 1943, n.p., BA, NS19/3893 (also in MA, N 756/183b). This report was forwarded by Phleps (Commander of the 5th SS Mountain Corps) to Himmler, 5 Nov. 1943, n.p., BA, NS19/3893.

106 Schulte to Brandt, 11 Jan. 1944, Berlin, BA, NS19/3893 (also in MA, N 756/183b).

107 On the Muslim Liberation Movement, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 503–4; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 103, 184–5, and 224; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 139–43; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 184–6 and 192; and Hasanbegović, Muslimani u Zagrebu, pp. 208–10.

108 Pandža, Pamphlet (German Translation), n.d. (10 Jan. 1944), MA, RH 19 XI/10a (also in BA, NS 19/2601).

109 Headquarters of the 2nd Panzer Army to Headquarters of Army Group F, 8 Jan. 1944, n.p., MA, RH 19XI/10a; and, for a similar assessment, Bajrakitarović to Phelps, 15 Nov. 1943, Mostar, BA, NS 19/2601.

110 Kasche, Internal Note (‘Unterhaltung mit dem Führer am 29.10.1943 im Hauptquartier’), 11 Nov. 1943, Zagreb, PA, Nachlass Kasche, vol. 23.

111 Posch (Waffen-SS), Report (‘Abschlussbericht über die Tätigkeit als F. O. in Kroatien vom 10.3.1943–1.1.1944’), 30 Dec. 1943, Zagreb, BA, NS 19/319.

112 Kammerhofer to Himmler, 11 Jan. 1944, Zagreb, BA, NS 19/319.

113 Sauberzweig to Berger, 5 Nov. 1943, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601; and, on the second collection, Himmler to Berger and Jüttner, 16 Nov. 1943, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

114 Berger to Himmler, 12 Jan. 1944, Berlin, BA, NS 19/2601.

115 Brandt to Berger, 31 Jan. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601; and on the actual transfer, documents in BA, NS 19/2601.

116 Berger to Himmler, n.d. (Jan. 1944), Berlin, BA, NS 19/319.

117 Wangemann, Report (‘Tätigkeitsbericht der Abt. VI’), 4 Apr. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/2601.

118 Krempler to Neubacher and Behrends (Higher SS and Police Leader Serbia), 20 Apr. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630.

119 Muslim Representatives of the Sandžak (Landesausschuss der Muselmanischen Volksvereinigung Sandschak) to Hitler (German translation), n.d. (spring 1944), n.p., BA, NS 19/3630. The letter was forwarded by Krempler to Neubacher and Behrends, 20 Apr. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630; and then from Behrends to Brandt, 24 Apr. 1944, Belgrade, BA, NS 19/3630; Brandt to Behrends, 15 June 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630; and Himmler ordered it to be forwarded to Hitler with the wish that an answer be written: Brandt to Fegelein (Hitler's Staff), 13 June 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630.

120 Brandt to Behrends, 7 July 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630.

121 Behrends to Himmler, 31 July 1944, Belgrade, BA, NS 19/3630.

122 Brandt to Behrends, 18 Sept. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630; and Venn (Himmler's Staff) to Propaganda Division (Waffen-SS Standarte ‘Kurt Eggers’), 18 Sept. 1944, n.p., BA, NS 19/3630.

123 Sauberzweig, Guidelines (‘Richtlinien für die Sicherung des Landfriedens in Bosnien’), 9 Mar. 1944, n.p., BA, NS19/2145 (also in PA, R 100998). On the guidelines, see also Tomasevich, War and revolution, p. 499; and Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 45–6; and idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, pp. 166–7.

124 Brandt to Phleps, 20 Nov. 1943, n.p., BA, NS19/3893. Himmler made this statement in response to Phleps's letter of 5 Nov. 1943 about Tokić and the autonomists, see n. 105.

125 Neubacher to Foreign Office, 9 Apr. 1944, Belgrade, PA, R 101101.

126 Winkelbrandt (Headquarters of the 373rd Infantry Division), Report (‘Feindnachrichtenblatt Nr. 7’), 16 July 1944, n.p., MA, RH 37/6931.

127 On Muslim self-defence groups and the green cadres, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, p.504; and Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, esp. pp. 105–10 and 183–91; and idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, esp. pp. 120–3, 147–9, 185–6, and 207.

128 Winkelbrandt, Report (‘Feindnachrichtenblatt Nr. 6’), 17 June 1944, n.p., MA, RH 37/6931; and, for a general military assessment of the Muslim militias, see all reports by Winkelbrandt in MA, RH 37/6931.

129 On Četnik recruitment of Muslims, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 494 and 501; idem, The Chetniks (Stanford, CA, 1975), p. 105 and 240; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, esp. pp. 97–8, 143–6, and 174; and idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, esp. pp. 105–8, 168–9, and 207–11.

130 Anonymous, ‘Marshal Tito's supporters’, Times (16 May 1944), states that Tito's army was comprised of 44 per cent Serbs, 30 per cent Croats, 10 per cent Slovenes, 6 per cent other nationals (including Italians), 5 per cent Montenegrins, 2.5 per cent Macedonians, and 2.5 per cent Muslims, although it has to be taken into account that the proportion of Muslims in the population was overall much smaller than that of Serbs or Croats.

131 On Tito's recruitment of Muslims, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 502–4 and 506–10; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, esp. pp. 170, 183–91, and 206–9; idem, Muslimansko Autonomaštvo, esp. pp. 108–10, 127–8, 157–9, and 211–12; and, on the propaganda brochure, Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 341–2.

132 On German massacres of Muslims and attacks on Islamic institutions, see Tomasevich, War and revolution, pp. 503–4; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp. 35 and 188; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 183 and 213–14; and Gumz, Jonathan, ‘German counterinsurgency policy in independent Croatia, 1941–1944’, Historian, 61 (1998), pp. 3350CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 48–9.

133 On Islam in Tito's Yugoslavia, see Banac, ‘Bosnian Muslims’, pp. 144–6; Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 343–65; Greble, Sarajevo, pp. 234–5, 237, and 244; Donia, Sarajevo, pp. 215–21; Zachary T. Irwin, ‘The fate of Islam in the Balkans: a comparison of four state policies’, in Ramet, ed., Religion and nationalism in Soviet and East European politics, pp. 207–25, at p. 216; Smail Balić, ‘Der bosnisch-herzegowinische Islam’, Der Islam, 44 (1968), pp. 115–37, esp. pp. 121–2; and, on the arrests of Islamic dignitaries for wartime collaboration, Isma'il Balić, ‘The present position of the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina’, Islamic Review, 37 (1949), pp. 22–5, at p. 24.

134 On Islam in Hoxha's Albania, see O'Donnell, James S., A coming of age: Albania under Enver Hoxha (Boulder, CO, 1999), pp. 137–44Google Scholar; Zickel, Raymond and Iwaskiw, Walter R., eds., Albania: a country study (Washington, DC, 1992), pp. 85–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Popovic, L'Islam balkanique, pp. 42–65; and, on the arrests or executions of the Muftis of Tirana, Durrës, and Shkodër and others for wartime collaboration, Irwin, ‘The fate of Islam in the Balkans’, p. 212; and Prifti, Peter, ‘Albania: towards an atheist society’, in Bociurkiw, Bohdan R. and Strong, John W., eds., Religion and atheism in the USSR and Eastern Europe (Toronto, 1975), pp. 388404Google Scholar, at p. 391.

135 On the expulsion of the Albanian Muslim Cham minority, see Mazower, ‘Three forms of political justice’, pp. 24–6; Meyer, Blutiges Edelweiß, pp. 620–1; and, from the Cham perspective, Meta, The Cham tragedy, esp. pp. 59–105; and the documents in Elsie and Destani, eds., The Cham Albanians of Greece, pp. 335–94.