¹ Baron, S. W., History and Jewish Historians (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1964) 84Google Scholar, 96, and frequently elsewhere in his work.

² Of many possible examples perhaps the most important are Lasker, Daniel, Jewish Philosophical Polemics Against Christianity in the Middle Ages (New York: Ktav, 1977)Google Scholar; Berger, David, The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1979)Google Scholar; Talmage, Frank, The Book of the Covenant (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1972)Google Scholar; and idem, Kitbê Pûlmûs LeProfiat Duran (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1981).Google Scholar

³ E.g., Trachtenberg, Joshua, The Devil and the Jews: The Medieval Conception of the Jew and Its Relation to Modern Antisemitism (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1983)Google Scholar; Ruether, Rosemary, Faith and Fratricide (New York: Seabury, 1974)Google Scholar; Śin'at Hayyehudim Ledôrôtêha (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1980)Google Scholar; Cohen, Jeremy, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983).Google Scholar

⁴ The text is quoted from the translation of Wilken, Robert L., John Chrysostom and the Jews (Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983) 66.Google Scholar

⁵ von Regensburg, Berthold, Vollständige Ausgabe seiner Predigten (Vienna, 1862; Berlin: De Gruyter, 1965) 1.Google Scholar 270. Cf. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, 277 n. 18; Iannucci, Remo, “The Treatment of the Capital Sins and Their Corresponding Vices in the German Sermons of Berthold von Regensburg,” Studies in German Philology 17 (1942) 29Google Scholar; Cohen, The Friars and the Jews, 229–38. In different sermons, Berthold maintained that the Jews “honor their fathers and mothers better than you” (1. 164), and pointed to the “stinking, offensive Jew” who is able to remain continent during the period of his wife's menstruation, contrasting the lack of self-control in his Christian listeners: “And so should you act at that time” (1. 323).

⁶ John Bromyard, Summa praedicantium (Venice, 1586) 1. 281a. The Lamentations verse is, of course, cited from the Vg (viderunt earn hostes, et deriserunt sabbata ejus), which has read the Hebrew mišbattêha as “Sabbaths.” Cf. Lam. Rab. on this verse (The Midrash Rabbah [London/Jerusalem: Soncino, 1977] 4Google Scholar, Lamentations, 108). To my knowledge, the only scholar to call attention to the positive image of the Jew in Bromyard's work was Owst, G. R., Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1961) 177, 418–19.Google Scholar

⁷ “Die Juden spotten unser sehr, / Das wir dem Feirtage thun solche ehr, / Das sie noch halten also steiss, / Das ich sie nicht ins Narrenschiff, / Wolt setzen”: Weltspiegel oder Narrenschiff, in Scheible, J., Das Kloster, 1 (Stuttgart, 1845) 728.Google Scholar

⁸ Th. Crane, Frederick, The Exempla of Jacques de Vitry (London, 1890) 91.Google Scholar

⁹ Summa praedicantium, 1. 419c; 2. 235a-b. Cf. the quotation of Saul Morteira, below.

¹⁰ Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (New York: Philosophical Library, 1952) 78.Google Scholar The statement about daughters receiving a Torah education is striking in light of Jewish ambivalence on this point. In general, girls were not included in the formal educational program.

¹¹ Nulla quippe gens unquam tanta pro deo pertulisse noscitur, aut etiam creditur, quanta nos jugiter pro ipso sustinemus. Cf. Abelard, Peter, A Dialogue of a Philosopher, a Jew, and a Christian (trans. Payer, Pierre; Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1979) 32.Google Scholar The entire passage in which this sentence appears is noteworthy. Cf. Liebeschütz, H., “The Significance of Judaism in Peter Abelard's Dialogue,” JJS 12 (1961) 1–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Summa praedicantium, 1. 290a. On the humiliating mode of execution, see the sources cited by Roth, Cecil, “European Jewry in the Dark Ages,” HUCA 23 (1950–1951) 159.Google Scholar Cf. the passage cited by Oberman, Heiko in The Roots of Anti-Semitism in the Age of Renaissance and Reformation (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984) 99.Google Scholar

¹³ Kaspi, Joseph ibn, in Hebrew Ethical Wills (trans. Abrahams, Israel; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1926) 1. 149–50, 154.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Verga, Solomon ibn, Šebeṭ Yehûdâ (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1947) 21.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Openhausen, Zalman Zevi, Der Judischer Theriac (Hanover, 1625)Google Scholar chaps. 2 and 7, quoted in Asaf, Simha, Meqôrôt Letôledôt Haḥinûk Beyiśra'el (Tel Aviv: Debir, 1954) 1. 74.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Hirschel Levin, Derašôt (Jewish Theological Seminary Ms R79, f. 19b); cf. Duschinsky, Charles, The Rabbinate of the Great Synagogue (London, 1921) 18.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Alami, Solomon, 'Iggeret Mûsar (St. Petersburg, 1912) 26.Google Scholar

¹⁸ ibid., 27. Very much the same point was made a century later, following the expulsion, by Yabetz, Joseph in Hasdê Adonay (Brooklyn: Moineshter, 1934) 56.Google Scholar (Needless to say, Christian preachers had a very different perception of the attentiveness of their audiences.)

¹⁹ Joseph ibn Shem Tov, ‘Ên Haqqôre’ (London Montefiore MS 61, f. 121b).

²⁰ Jews “heard the [Christian] preachers and found them impressive, and they wanted to raise a comparable banner. This is what they say: ‘The Christian scholars and sages raise questions and seek answers in their academies and churches, thereby adding to the glory of the Torah and the prophets. … But our Torah commentators do not employ this method that everyone wants” (Arama, Isaac, 'Aqedat Yiṣḥaq [Warsaw, 1882] Introduction 8a).Google Scholar

²¹ E.g., Abraham Abulafia, quoted in Scholem, Gershom, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York: Schocken, 1941) 129Google Scholar; Arama, Isaac, Hazut Qāšâ (Warsaw, 1884)Google Scholar, Gate 8, p. llc; Abravanel, Isaac, Commentary on Joshua 10 (Jerusalem, 1955) 53bGoogle Scholar; Yabetz, Joseph, ʾOr Hahayyim (Lublin, 1912) 20a, 15b.Google Scholar

²² Seper Hasidim (Bologna MS, section 18; Jerusalem: Lewin-Epstein, 1966) 9a.Google Scholar Cf. Seper Hasidim (Parma MS, section 1189; Berlin, 1891) 389.Google Scholar

²³ Werblowsky, R. J. Z., Joseph Karo: Lawyer and Mystic (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1977) 163.Google Scholar

²⁴ Pukhovitzer, Judah, Daʿat Hokmâ (Hamburg, 1692) 1.Google Scholar 39d–40a, cited by Tishbi, Isaiah, Nefibê Emûnâ Ûminût (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1982) 125.Google Scholar

²⁵ E.g., Joseph Kimhi, The Book of the Covenant (trans. Frank Talmage) 32–35; the passage is also in Talmage's Disputation and Dialogue (New York: Ktav, 1975) 11–13.Google Scholar Cf. the use of this claim in the context of Christian self-criticism by Bromyard, Summa praedicantium, 1. 289c–d.

²⁶ Ibn Verga, Šebeṭ Yehâ, 45.

²⁷ Yabetz, Ḥasdê Adonay, 56. In the eighteenth century, Hirschel Levin, rabbi in London, contrasted the humane and compassionate way in which the Christians treated their poor with the humiliating practices of his own people, concluding, “Would that we might learn from them in this matter” (Derašôt, 19a, 21b).

²⁸ Eybeschuetz, Jonathan, Ya'arôt Debaš (Jerusalem: Lewin-Epstein, 1965) 99a.Google Scholar Note that Berthold of Regensburg had said precisely the opposite about the honor of father and mother (above, n. 2), and John Bromyard had pointed to the Jews as a model in their handling of monetary matters because of their careful observance of the prohibition against taking interest from their “brothers,” a prohibition which not all Christians observed (Summa praedicantium, 2. 235a).

²⁹ Morteira, Saul, Gib'at Sha'ul (Warsaw, 1902)Google Scholar “Debarim,” 129a.