¹ Including: Gesetz und gesetzgebende Gewalt (1958), Die Organisationsgewalt im Bereich der Regierung (1964), Die deutsche verfassungsgeschichtliche Forschung im 19. Jahrhundert (1961 and 1995), Das Grundrecht der Gewissensfreiheit (1970), Kirchlicher Auftrag und politische Entscheidung (1973), Probleme des Konstitutionalismus im 19. Jahrhundert (1975), Staat, Gesellschaft, Freiheit (1976), Demokratie und Repräsentation (1983), Staat, Verfassung Demokratie (1991), Staat, Nation, Europa (1999), Vom Wandel des Menschenbildes im Recht (2001).Google Scholar

² As Michael Stolleis observes in his review in the Süddeutsche Zeitung (4 December 2002 – Literature Supplement, p. V2/18): ”This is a clear stance against the supposed Modern and Useful in the current battle over what the basic disciplines of [German] legal education should be. Böckenförde's first message is: no serious jurisprudence without orientation in the theoretical and historical foundations of law.“ (Translation).Google Scholar

³ 431-404 B.C., see pp. 30–31. Böckenförde's sparing use of statistics paints a clear and memorable picture of the upheaval for the citizenry in this period, e.g. the “drastic reduction” in 411/410 in the number of active citizens to a mere 5,000; followed, after the defeat by Sparta in 404, by the “tyrannical ‘rule of the 30'”, with restoration of citizen participation to a reasonable democratic level following about a year later, see pp. 51 ff.Google Scholar

⁴ Page 161.Google Scholar

⁵ Page 3.Google Scholar

⁶ Page 4. All translations from German to English are the reviewer's.Google Scholar

⁷ For Duns Scotus by virtue of the availability of now 19 volumes of an ongoing publication of his collected works, begun in the 1950s, and replacing the 17^th century (!) standard by L. Wadding, pp. 269, 432. De La Casas’ work became more accessible in the 20^th century with the discovery, especially in connection with de-colonization and, later, liberation theology, of works previously thought to have vanished, p. 343.Google Scholar

⁸ Just one example is his short essay “The Significance of the humanities in political life” (Die Bedeutung der Geisteswissenschaften im politischen Leben) for the web site “1000 Words for the Humanities”, http://1000worte.besign.info/beitrag_boeckenfoerde.html, where he states for a broader public (in translation): “Being knowledgeable and educated in the humanities affects human beings’ political orientation and goals, leading them away from emotionalism and the absence of critical thinking, usually in the direction of enlightenment and humanism. … Beyond encouraging rational discourse in the political process, it is also a necessary precondition for first finding adequate solutions to political problems and challenges.”Google Scholar

⁹ Especially since the late 19^th century, p. 265, fn. 1 (referring to the 1879 Encyclical Aeterni Patris of Pope Leo XIII). R. Cessario, Thomas Aquinas: A Doctor for the Ages, in: R.J. Neuhaus (Ed.), The Second One Thousand Years (2001), 28-39, 37 f., points to the 1983 revision of the Code of Canon Law and its recognition of Aquinas as a master for students of theology, as well as the 1998 encyclical letter of Pope John Paul II Fides et Ratio, which “restates the confidence that the church places in Aquinas” (Cessario, p. 38) and acknowledges “the dialogue which he initiated with the Arab and Jewish thought of his time” (Fides et Ratio, no. 43).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Page 265: Böckenförde characterizes Aquinas as having used Aristotle's teachings to pave the way for “understanding the world, nature and man as a comprehensive order of reason, created by a God who was conceived of as Will and Reason in one.”Google Scholar

¹¹ Page 221.Google Scholar

¹² Page 266, and Cessario (note 8), 29-31. Duns Scotus taught at the universities of Oxford and Cologne, p. 268.Google Scholar

¹³ Page 266, emphasis added. He concludes, at 268: “Not without foundation can the question be posed, to what extent, precisely in the spiritual debates of the 13^th and 14^th centuries, arguments emerged that in the end led to the modern world, so strongly influenced by autonomy and voluntarism.”Google Scholar

¹⁴ Page 269. Aquinas revolutionized early 13^th c. concepts that human knowledge originated in revelation and divine illumination, by arguing that knowledge came from observing the natural world, that “the created world itself … possessed its own intelligibility and, furthermore, that God had equipped the human mind to capture it.” Cessario (note 8), 33.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Page 269.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Especially Averoes and Avicenna, see p. 265, whose interpretations “left little room for God as a personal God and creator of the world, who acted out of free will”.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Page 271.Google Scholar

¹⁸ E.g. p. 291 for both Duns Scotus and William of Ockham; p. 220 for Aquinas. At 286 Böckenförde lauds Duns Scotus for not hiding the theological premises on which his philosophical arguments were based.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Page 267 (the ”unbewegte Beweger“).Google Scholar

²⁰ Pages 269-270. Böckenförde's treatment of such passages appears to spring from genuine personal understanding of the concepts expressed. This renders Part II an important vehicle for communicating the Christian foundations of Western legal and political philosophy to readers who, as a result of living in a post-Christian culture, are often unfamiliar with many aspects of the Christian religion, faith and scholarly traditions.Google Scholar

²¹ Page 273.Google Scholar

²² Page 281.Google Scholar

²³ Page 226.Google Scholar

²⁴ Page 286.Google Scholar

²⁵ Page 286.Google Scholar

²⁶ Page 286.Google Scholar

²⁷ Page 340-341. The Leyas Nuevas. i.a., “forbade on threat of punishment any enslavement of Indios, and prohibited the building of new encomiendas“, 341.Google Scholar

²⁸ Page 345.Google Scholar

²⁹ Page 346.Google Scholar

³⁰ Page 350. Conversion was rather to be accomplished by preaching Christ's example of peaceful, gentle, humble and attractive behavior, which was the King's duty to ensure.Google Scholar

³¹ Page 351.Google Scholar

³² Page 379 f. ”Die zwei Reiche und ihr Regiment“. 382: The regnum mundi involves not only the worldly rule whose thought captures humans in the physical world; God's rule is also active in and for the regnum mundi, “so as not to leave this community of people to dissolve in disagreement and constant opposition, but to give them the chance for conversion. This rule is expression of the loving attention of God toward the “non-Christians”, which is irresistible.”Google Scholar

³³ Page 391-392. Böckenförde asks at 391: “How – centuries later – can the effect and meaning of forced belief (Glaubenszwang) be more clearly and strikingly expressed, that it not only robs human beings of their freedom but also destroys their worth and still remains futile?”Google Scholar

³⁴ Page 402.Google Scholar

³⁵ Just one example must suffice, involving the difference between the 12^th century monastic cloisters and the emerging urban cathedral schools (Domschulen) with their travelling Scholaren. Even quickly scanning only the Latin words in the following quotation from p. 219 one understands immediately how the two approaches differed: “Während an den Klöstern die meditatio bestimmend gewesen war, wurde an den Domschulen nun die disputatio geübt. Der repetitive Lehrbetrieb der abgeschiedene Klöster wurde verworfen, stattdessen die curiositas, die argumentierende Wißbegierde und theoretische Neugier gepflegt… . Scientia als habitus demonstrativus bedeutete so nicht nur eine Denkmethode unter anderen, sie umfasste eine neuartige Denk- und Lebenshaltung.”Google Scholar

³⁶ These are just some of the “scientific” titles, which comprising roughly half of the complete list of 243 titles for 2001, (see http://www.goethe.de/in/d/ueberset/bewil-2001-2-f.html); the other half are “literature” and include, e.g. Ausländer, Brecht, Brentano, Domin, Dörrie, Hesse, Goethe, Grass, Kafka, von Kleist, Mann, etc.Google Scholar