Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-s2hrs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-20T03:22:52.551Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Urban Networks and Arctic Outlands: Craft Specialists and Reindeer Antler in Viking Towns

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 January 2017

Steven P. Ashby ,
Ashley N. Coutu  and
Søren M. Sindbæk
Steven P. Ashby*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of York, UK
Ashley N. Coutu*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of York, UK Department of Archaeology, University of Cape Town, South Africa Department for Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Denmark
Søren M. Sindbæk*
Affiliation:
Department for Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Denmark
*
[email: [email protected]]
[email: [email protected]]
[email: [email protected]]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This paper presents the results of the use of a minimally destructive biomolecular technique to explore the resource networks behind one of the first specialized urban crafts in early mediaeval northern Europe: the manufacture of composite combs of deer antler. The research incorporates the largest application of species identification by peptide mass fingerprinting (ZooMS) to a mediaeval artefact assemblage: specifically to collections of antler combs, comb manufacturing waste, and raw antler from Ribe, Aarhus, and Aggersborg. It documents the early use of reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) antler, from the 780s AD at the latest, presenting the earliest unambiguous evidence for exchange-links between urban markets in the southern North Sea region and the Scandinavian Peninsula. The results demonstrate that the common conceptual distinction between urban hinterlands and long-distance trade conceals a vital continuity. Long-range networks were vital to urban activities from the first appearance of towns in this part of the world, preceding the historically documented maritime expansion of the Viking Age. We consequently suggest that urbanism is more appropriately defined and researched in terms of network dynamics than as a function of circumscribed catchment areas or hinterlands.

Cet article présente les résultats obtenus grâce à l'utilisation d'une technique biomoléculaire faiblement destructive pour examiner les réseaux de ressources derrière un des premiers métiers urbains spécialisés en Europe du Nord au début du Moyen-Âge: la manufacture de peignes composites en bois de renne. l'étude inclut la plus vaste application de la méthode d'identification d'espèces par séquençage partiel de peptides (ZooMS) sur un ensemble d'artefacts médiévaux; plus particulièrement des collections de peignes en bois, des déchets de fabrication de peignes et des ramures brutes de Ribe, Aarhus et Aggersborg. Elle situe le début de l'utilisation de bois de renne (Rangifer tarandus) au plus tard vers les années 780 av. J. C., et présente les plus anciennes preuves explicites de liens d'échange entre les marchés urbains de la région méridionale de la Mer du Nord et la péninsule scandinave. Les résultats montrent que la distinction conceptuelle habituelle entre les arrière-pays urbains et le commerce à longue distance dissimule une continuité essentielle. Les réseaux à longue portée étaient vitaux pour les activités urbaines dès la première apparition de villes dans cette partie du monde, précédant l'expansion maritime documentée historiquement de l'époque Viking. Nous suggérons donc qu'il faut plutôt définir et étudier l'urbanisme par rapport aux dynamiques des réseaux que de le considérer comme une fonction de zones de desserte circonscrites ou d'arrière-pays. Translation by Isabelle Gerges

Dieser Beitrag präsentiert die Resultate minimaldestruktiver biomolekularer Techniken, um die Rohstoffnetzwerke hinter einem der ersten spezialisierten städtischen Handwerke im frühmittelalterlichen Nordeuropa zu untersuchen: der Herstellung von Kompositkämmen aus Hirschgeweih. Die Studie umfasst die bislang umfangreichste Anwendung einer Artenidentifizierung mit Hilfe von Peptidmassenfingerprints (ZooMS) an einer mittelalterlichen Artefaktgruppe, insbesondere an Sammlungen von Hirschgeweihkämmen, Abfällen von Kammproduktion sowie Geweihrohmaterial aus Ribe, Aarhus und Aggersborg. Sie dokumentiert die frühe Nutzung von Geweihen des Ren (Rangifer tarandus) spätestens ab 780 A.D. und präsentiert die ältesten eindeutigen Nachweise von Austauschbeziehungen zwischen städtischen Märkten im südlichen Nordseegebiet und der Skandinavischen Halbinsel. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass das verbreitete Konzept einer Trennung von städtischem Hinterland und Fernhandel eine lebendige Kontinuität verdeckt. Weitreichende Netzwerke waren vom ersten Auftauchen von Städten in diesem Teil der Welt unverzichtbar für urbane Aktivitäten und sie gingen der historisch überlieferten maritimen Expansion der Wikingerzeit voraus. Daher schlagen wir vor, das das Städtewesen besser im Sinne von Netzwerkdynamiken als über umrissene Einzugsbereiche oder Peripherien zu definieren und zu erforschen. Translation by Heiner Schwarzberg

Keywords

urbanismnetworksoutland resourcescraftscombsreindeerViking Agebiomolecular archaeologyurbanismeréseauxressources extraterritorialesmétierspeignesrenneâge Vikingarchéologie biomoléculairestädtewesennetzwerkeressourcen abgelegener gebietehandwerkekämmerenwikingerzeitbiomolekulare archäologie
Type
Articles
Information
European Journal of Archaeology , Volume 18 , Issue 4 , 2015 , pp. 679 - 704
Copyright
Copyright © 2015 the European Association of Archaeologists 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Aaris-Sørensen, K. 1988. Danmarks forhistoriske dyreverden: fra istid til vikingetid. Copenhagen: Gyldendal.Google Scholar
Aaris-Sørensen, K. 2007. Fra istid til nutid : Late and Post Glacial Mammals in Denmark. In: Baagøe, H.J., ed. Dansk Pattedyratlas. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, pp. 312–21.Google Scholar
Ambrosiani, K. 1981. Viking Age Combs, Comb Making and Comb Makers in the Light of Finds from Birka and Ribe. Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 2. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell.Google Scholar
Andersen, H.H., Crabb, P.J. & Madsen, H.J. 1971. Århus Søndervold. En byarkæologisk Undersøgelse. København: Gyldendalske boghandel.Google Scholar
Arneborg, J. 1998. The High Arctic ‘Utmark’ of the Norse Greenlanders. In: Andersson, H., Andersson, H., Ersgard, L. and Svensson, E., eds. Outland Use in Preindustrial Europe. Lund: Institute of Archaeology, Lund University, pp. 156–26.Google Scholar
Ashby, S.P. 2009. Combs, Contact, and Chronology: Reconsidering Hair Combs in Early-Historic and Viking-Age Atlantic Scotland. Medieval Archaeology, 53: 1–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ashby, S.P. 2011. An atlas of medieval combs from northern Europe. Internet Archaeology, 30. http://intarch.ac.uk/journal/issue30/ashby_index.html. Accessed 15 January 2015.Google Scholar
Ashby, S.P. 2013a. Making a Good Comb: Mercantile Identity in 9th to 11th-Century England. In: Ten-Harkel, L. and Hadley, D.M., eds. Everyday Life in Viking Towns: Social Approaches to Towns in England and Ireland c. 800–1100. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 193–208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ashby, S.P. 2013b. Some Comments on the Identification of Cervid Species in Worked Antler. In: O'Connor, S. and Choyke, A.M., eds. From these Bare Bones: Raw Materials and the Study of Worked Osseous Materials. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 208–22.Google Scholar
Ashby, S.P. 2014a. A Viking Way of Life. Combs and Communities in Britain and Scandinavia, c. AD 800–1100. Stroud: Amberley.Google Scholar
Ashby, S.P. 2014b. Technologies of Appearance: Hair Behaviour in Early-Medieval Britain and Europe. Archaeological Journal, 171: 153–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ballin Smith, B. 1995. Reindeer Antler Combs at Howe: Contact between Late Iron Age Orkney and Norway. Universitetets Oldsaksamlings Årbok, 1993/ 94: 207–11.Google Scholar
Barrett, J.H. 2008. What Caused the Viking Age? Antiquity, 82: 671–85.Google Scholar
Barrett, J.H. 2010. Rounding Up the Usual Suspects: Causation and the Viking Age Diaspora. In: Anderson, A., Barrett, J.H. and Boyle, K.V., eds. The Global Origins and Development of Seafaring. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, pp. 289–302.Google Scholar
Barrett, J.H., Orton, D., Johnstone, C., Harland, J., Van Neer, W., Ervynck, A., Roberts, C., Locker, A., Amundsen, C., Bødker Enghoff, I., Hamilton-Dyer, S., Heinrich, D., Hufthammer, A.K., Jones, A.K.G., Jonsson, L., Makowiecki, D., Pope, P., O'Connell, T.C., de Roo, T. & Richards, M. 2011. Interpreting the Expansion of Sea Fishing in Medieval Europe Using Stable Isotope Analysis of Archaeological Cod Bones. Journal of Archaeological Science, 38: 1516–24.Google Scholar
Bately, J. 2007. Text and Translation: The Three Parts of the Known World and the Geography of Europe North of the Danube According to Orosius' Historiae and Its Old English Version. In: Bately, J. and Englert, A., eds. Ohthere‘s Voyages. A Late 9th-Century Account of Voyages along the Coasts of Norway and Denmark and Its Cultural Context. Roskilde: The Viking Ship Museum, pp. 40–58.Google Scholar
Becker, C. & Grupe, G. 2012. Archaeometry Meets Archaeozoology: Viking Haithabu and Medieval Schleswig Reconsidered. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, 4: 241–62.Google Scholar
Bencard, M. & Jørgensen, L.B. 1990. Excavations and Stratigraphy. In: Bencard, M., Bender Jørgensen, L. and Brinch Madsen, H., eds. Ribe Excavations 1970–76, Vol. 4. Esbjerg: Sydjysk Universitetsforlag, pp. 15–168.Google Scholar
Blaut, J.M. 1993. The Colonizer‘s Model of the World: Geographical Diffusionism and Eurocentric History. New York: Guildford Press.Google Scholar
Buchwald, V.F. 2006. A Note Concerning Three Ancient Anchors from Nydam, Ladby and Ribe. In: Bencard, M., Kann Rasmussen, A. and Brinch Madsen, H., eds. Ribe Excavations 1970–76, Vol. 5. Højbjerg: Jutland Archaeological Society, pp. 183–86.Google Scholar
Buckley, M. & Collins, M.J. 2011. Collagen Survival and Its Use for Species Identification in Holocene-Lower Pleistocene Bone Fragments from British Archaeological and Paleontological Sites. Antiqua, 1 (1): e1.doi:10.4081/antiqua.2011.e1. Available at < http://www.pagepress.org/journals/index.php/antiqua/article/view/antiqua.2011.e1>. Accessed 1 June 2012.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buckley, M., Collins, M., Thomas-Oates, J. & Wilson, J.C. 2009. Species Identification by Analysis of Bone Collagen Using Matrix-Assisted Laser Desorption/Ionisation Time-of-Flight Mass Spectrometry. Rapid Communications in Mass Spectrometry, 23: 3843–54.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Buckley, M., Fraser, S., Herman, J., Melton, N., Mulville, J. & Pálsdóttir, A. 2014. Species Identification of Archaeological Marine Mammals Using Collagen Fingerprinting. Journal of Archaeological Science, 41: 631–41.Google Scholar
Buckley, M., Whitcher Kansa, S., Howard, S., Campbell, S., Thomas-Oates, J. & Collins, M. 2010. Distinguishing Between Archaeological Sheep and Goat Bones Using a Single Collagen Peptide. Journal of Archaeological Science, 37: 13–20.Google Scholar
Callmer, J. 1995. The Influx of Oriental Beads into Europe During the 8th century. In: Lund Hansen, U., Näsman, U. and Rasmussen, M., eds. Glass Beads - Cultural History, Technology, Experiment and Analogy.Proceedings of the Nordic Glass Bead Seminar 16th–18th October 1992. Studies in Technology and Culture 2. Lejre: Historical-Archaeological Experimental Centre, pp. 49–54.Google Scholar
Callmer, J. 2002. North-European Trading Centres and the Early Medieval Craftsman. Craftsmen at Åhus, North-Eastern Scania, Sweden ca. AD 750–850+. In: Hårdh, B. and Larsson, L., eds. Central Places in the Migration and Merovingian Periods. Papers from the 52nd Sachensymposium, Lund, August 2001. Uppåkrastudier 6. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Ser. in 8° no. 39. Lund: Almqvist & Wiksell, pp. 133–58.Google Scholar
Callmer, J. 2003. Wayland. An Essay on Craft Production in the Early and High Middle Ages in Scandinavia. In: Larson, L. and Hårdh, B., eds. Centrality – Regionality. The Social Structure of Southern Sweden During the Iron Age. Uppåkrastudier 7. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Ser. in 8° no. 40. Lund: Almqvist & Wiksell, pp. 337–61.Google Scholar
Childe, V.G. 1950. The Urban Revolution. The Town Planning Review, 21 (1): 3–17.Google Scholar
Clarke, H.B. & Ambrosiani, B. 1991. Towns in the Viking Age. London: Leicester University Press.Google Scholar
Coupland, S. 2010. Boom and Bust at 9th-Century Dorestad. In: Willemsen, A. and Kik, H., eds. Dorestad in an International Framework. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 95–104.Google Scholar
Coupland, S. 2011. Raiders, Traders, Worshippers and Settlers: The Continental Perspective. In: Graham-Campbell, J., Sindbæk, S. and Williams, G., eds. Silver Economies, Monetisation & Society in Scandinavia, 800–1100. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, pp. 113–32.Google Scholar
Cowgill, G.L. 2004. Origins and Development of Urbanism: Archaeological Perspectives. Annual Review of Anthropology, 33: 525–49.Google Scholar
Croix, S. 2014. Permanency in Early Medieval Emporia: Reassessing Ribe. European Journal of Archaeology, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957114Y.0000000078. Available at http://www.maneyonline.com/doi/abs/10.1179/1461957114Y.0000000078. Accessed 15 January 2015.Google Scholar
Feveile, C. 2002. Støbning af ovale skålspænder i Ribe – type- og teknikvariation. In: Henriksen, M.B., ed. Metalhåndværk og håndværkspladser fra yngre germansk jernalder, vikingetid og tidlig middelalder. Rapport fra et seminar på Hollufgård den 22. oktober 2001. Skrifter fra Odense Bys Museer vol. 9. Odense: Odense Bys Museer, pp. 17–26.Google Scholar
Feveile, C. ed. 2006a. Det ældste Ribe. Udgravninger på nordsiden af Ribe Å 1984–2000. Ribe Studier vol. 1.1 and 1.2. Aarhus: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab.Google Scholar
Feveile, C. 2006b. Ribe on the North Side of the River, 8th–12th Century. In: Feveile, C., ed. Det ældste Ribe. Udgravninger på nordsiden af Ribe Å 1984–2000. Ribe Studier vol. 1.2. Aarhus: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab, pp. 65–92.Google Scholar
Feveile, C. 2012. Ribe — Emporia and Town in the 8th and 9th Century. In: Gelichi, S. and Hodges, R., eds. From One Sea to Another: Trading Places in the European and Mediterranean Early Middle Ages. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 111–22.Google Scholar
Feveile, C. & Jensen, S. 2006. ASR 9 Posthuset. In: Feveile, C., ed. Det ældste Ribe. Udgravninger på nordsiden af Ribe Å 1984–2000. Ribe Studier vol. 1.2. Aarhus: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab, pp. 119–91.Google Scholar
Fleming, R. 2009. Elites, Boats and Foreigners: Rethinking the Rebirth of English Towns. Settimane di studio- centro italiano di studi alto medioevo, 56: 393–425.Google Scholar
Galloway, P. & Newcomer, M. 1981. The Craft of Comb-making: An Experimental Enquiry. University of London Institute of Archaeology Bulletin, 18: 73–90.Google Scholar
Henderson, J., Evans, J.A., Sloane, H.J., Leng, M.J. & Doherty, C. 2005. The Use of Oxygen, Strontium and Lead Isotopes to Provenance Ancient Glasses in the Middle East. Journal of Archaeological Science, 32 (5): 665–73.Google Scholar
Hilberg, V. & Kalmring, S. 2014. Viking Age Hedeby and Its Relations with Iceland and the North Atlantic: Communication, Long-Distance Trade, and Production. In: Zori, D. and Byock, J., eds. Viking Archaeology in Iceland Mosfell Archaeological Project. Cursor Mundi 20. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 221–45.Google Scholar
Hodges, R. 1982. Dark Age Economics: The Origins of Towns and Trade A.D. 600–1000. London: Duckworth.Google Scholar
Hodges, R. 2012. Dark Age Economics: A New Audit. London: Bristol Classics Press.Google Scholar
Hull, S., Fayek, M., Mathien, F.J., Shelley, P. & Durand, K.R. 2008. A New Approach to Determining the Geological Provenance of Turquoise Artifacts Using Hydrogen and Copper Stable Isotopes. Journal of Archaeological Science, 35 (5): 1355–69.Google Scholar
Ilkjær, J. & von Carnap-Bornheim, C. 1993. Illerup Ådal 3 3. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.Google Scholar
Jantzen, C. 2013. Middelalderbyen Aarhus. Aarhus: Den Gamle By.Google Scholar
Jensen, M. A. 2013. Udgravningerne i Sct. Nicolaj Gade. Nyt om Ribes markedsplads i det 9. og 10. århundrede. By, Marsk og Geest, 25: 9–27.Google Scholar
Kalmring, S. 2010. Der Hafen von Haithabu. Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 14. Neumünster: Wachholtz.Google Scholar
Keller, C. 2010. Furs, Fish, and Ivory: Medieval Norsemen at the Arctic Fringe. Journal of the North Atlantic, 3: 1–23.Google Scholar
Kirby, D.P., Buckley, M., Promise, E., Trauger, S.A. & Rose Holdcraft, T. 2013. Identification of Collagen-Based Materials in Cultural Heritage. The Analyst, 138 (17): 4849–58.Google Scholar
Knappett, C., Evans, T. & Rivers, R. 2008. Modelling Maritime Interaction in the Aegean Bronze Age. Antiquity, 82: 1009–24.Google Scholar
Lie, R. 1993. Appendix. In: Weber, B., ed. Norwegian Reindeer Antler Export to Orkney. Universitetets Oldsaksamlings Årbok, 1991/1992, pp. 161–74.Google Scholar
Ling, J., Hjärthner-Holdar, E., Grandin, L., Billström, K. & Persson, P.-O. 2013. Moving Metals or Indigenous Mining? Provenancing Scandinavian Bronze Age Artefacts by Lead Isotopes and Trace Elements. Journal of Archaeological Science, 40: 291–304.Google Scholar
Loveluck, C. & Tys, D. 2006. Coastal Societies, Exchange and Identity along the Channel and Southern North Sea Shores of Europe, AD 600–1000. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, 1: 140–69.Google Scholar
Madsen, H.B. 1984. Metal-Casting, Techniques, Production and Workshops. In: Bencard, M., ed. Ribe Excavations 1970–1976, Vol. 2. Esbjerg: Sydjysk Universitetsforlag, pp. 15–189.Google Scholar
Madsen, H.J. 2004. Pottery from the 8th – 9th Centuries. In: Bencard, M., Kann Rasmussen, A. and Brinch Madsen, H., eds. Ribe Excavations 1970–76, Vol 5. Højbjerg: Jutland Archaeological Society, pp. 223–70.Google Scholar
Madsen, H.J. & Sindbæk, S.M. 2014. Combs. In: Roesdahl, E., Sindbæk, S.M., Pedersen, A. and Wilson, D.M., eds. Aggersborg: The Viking-Age Settlement and Fortress. Højbjerg: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab, pp. 269–72.Google Scholar
Mahler, D.L. 2007. Sæteren ved Argisbrekka. Økonomiske forandringer på Færøerne i vikingetid og tidlig middelalder. Copenhagen & Torshavn: Faroe University Press.Google Scholar
Mainman, A.J. & Rogers, N.S.H. 1999. Craft and Industry: The Range of the Evidence. In: Macgregor, A., Mainman, A.J. and Rogers, N.S.H., eds. Bone, Antler, Ivory and Horn from Anglo-Scandinavian and Medieval York. The Archaeology of York 17/2: Craft, Industry and Everyday Life. York: Council for British Archaeology, pp. 1903–16.Google Scholar
Mattingly, D.J. & Sterry, M. 2013. The First Towns in the Central Sahara. Antiquity, 87: 503–18.Google Scholar
Mikkelsen, E. 1994. Fangstprodukter i vikingetidens og middelalderens økonomi. Organiseringen av massefangst av villrein i Dovre. Universitetets Oldsaksamlings Skrifter Ny rekke nr. 18. Oslo: Oslo Universitet.Google Scholar
Miksic, J. 2000. Heterogenetic Cities in Premodern Southeast Asia. World Archaeology, 32 (1): 106–20.Google Scholar
Müller, U. 2012. Networks of Towns — Networks of Periphery? Some Relations between the North European Medieval Town and its Hinterland. In: Kleingärtner, S. and Zeilinger, G., eds. Raumbildung durch Netzwerke. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt, pp. 19–38.Google Scholar
Näsman, U. 2000. Exchange and Politics: The Eighth-Early Ninth Century in Denmark. In: Wickham, C. and Lyse Hansen, I., eds. The Long Eighth Century. Production, Distribution and Demand. The Transformation of the Roman World 11. Leiden: Brill, pp. 35–68.Google Scholar
Näsman, U. & Roesdahl, E. 2003. Scandinavian and European Perspectives on Borg I:1. In: Munch, G.S., Johansen, O.S. and Roesdahl, E., eds. Borg in Lofoten. A Chieftain's Farm in North Norway. Trondheim: Tapir Academic Press, pp. 283–300.Google Scholar
Nesje, A., Pilø, L.H., Finstad, E., Solli, B., Wangen, V., Strand Ødegård, R., Isaksen, K., Støren, E.N., Bakke, D.I. & Andreassen, L.M. 2012. The Climatic Significance of Artefacts Related to Prehistoric Reindeer Hunting Exposed at Melting Ice Patches in Southern Norway. The Holocene, 22 (4): 485–96.Google Scholar
Øye, I. 2003. Outfields as Part of the Medieval Farm — Four Archaeological Case Studies from Western Norway. In: Bergstøl, J., ed. Scandinavian Archaeological Practice — In Theory. Proceedings from the Sixth Nordic TAG, Oslo 2001. Oslo: Institutt for Arkeologi, pp. 400–11.Google Scholar
Rau, A. 2010. Nydam Mose: die personengebündenen Gegenstände. 1 Text. Højbjerg: Jysk Arkæoloogisk Selskab.Google Scholar
Renfrew, C. 2008. The City through Time and Space: Transformations of Centrality. In: Marcus, J. and Sabloff, J.A., eds. The Ancient City. New Perspectives on Urbanism in the Old and New World. Santa Fe: School for Advanced Research Press, pp. 29–52.Google Scholar
Riddler, I.D. 2003a. A Lesser Material: The Working of Roe Deer Antler in Anglo-Saxon England. In: Riddler, I.D., ed. Materials of Manufacture: The Choice of Materials in the Working of Bone and Antler in Northern and Central Europe during the First Millennium AD. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1193. Oxford: Archaeopress, pp. 41–48.Google Scholar
Riddler, I.D. ed. 2003b. Materials of Manufacture: The Choice of Materials in the Working of Bone and Antler in Northern and Central Europe during the First Millennium AD. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1193. Oxford: Archaeopress.Google Scholar
Rieck, F. 2006. The Anchor from Sct. Nicolaigade in Ribe. In: Bencard, M., Kann Rasmussen, A. and Brinch Madsen, H., eds. Ribe Excavations 1970–76, Vol 5. Højbjerg: Jutland Archaeological Society, pp. 173–82.Google Scholar
Roesdahl, E. 2003. Walrus Ivory and Other Northern Luxuries: Their Importance for Norse Voyages and Settlements in Greenland and America. In: Lewis-Simpson, S., ed. Vínland Revisited: The Norse World at the Turn of the First Millennium. Selected Papers from the Viking Millennium International Symposium, 15–24 September 2000, Newfoundland and Labrador. St. John's: Historic Sites Association of Newfoundland and Labrador, pp. 145–52.Google Scholar
Roesdahl, E. 2005. Walrus Ivory – Demand, Supply, Workshops, and Greenland. In: Mortensen, A. and Arge, S.V., eds. Viking and Norse in the North Atlantic. Select Papers from the Proceedings of the Fourteenth Viking Congress Tórshavn 19–30 July 2001. Tórshavn: Foroya Fródskaparfelag, pp. 182–91.Google Scholar
Roesdahl, E., Sindbæk, S.M., Pedersen, A. & Wilson, D.M. eds. 2014. Aggersborg: The Viking-Age Settlement and Fortress. Højbjerg: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab.Google Scholar
Schyman, J. 2012. Proveniensbestämning av vikingatida hornmaterial – en studie utifrån stabila isotoper. , Arkeologiska Forskningslaboratoriet, Stockholms universitet.Google Scholar
Sinclair, P., Ekblom, A. & Wood, M. 2012. Trade and Society on the South-East African Coast in the Later First Millennium AD: The Case of Chibuene. Antiquity, 86: 723–37.Google Scholar
Sindbæk, S.M. 2007. Networks and nodal points. The emergence of towns in Early Viking Age Scandinavia. Antiquity, 81: 119–132.Google Scholar
Sindbæk, S.M. 2011. Silver Economies and Social Ties: Long-Distance Interaction, Long-Term Investments — And Why the Viking Age Happened. In: Graham-Campbell, J., Sindbæk, S.M. and Williams, G., eds. Silver Economies, Monetisation and Society in Scandinavia AD 800–1100. Moesgård: Aarhus University Press, pp. 41–66.Google Scholar
Sindbæk, S.M. 2013. Broken Links and Black Boxes: Material Affiliations and Contextual Network Synthesis in the Viking World. In: Knappett, C., ed. Network Analysis in Archaeology. New Approaches to Regional Interaction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 71–94.Google Scholar
Sindbæk, S.M. 2014. The Viking-Age Settlement. In: Roesdahl, E., Sindbæk, S.M., Pedersen, A. and Wilson, D.M., eds. Aggersborg: The Viking-Age Settlement and Fortress. Højbjerg: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab, pp. 81–138.Google Scholar
Skov, H. 1998. Udgravningerne i Århus midtby 1994–97. Kuml, 1997–98: 227–94.Google Scholar
Skov, H. 1999. Archaeological Evidence of Trade in Århus, Denmark, from the 10th to the 17th Centuries. Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum, 2: 603–11.Google Scholar
Skov, H. 2006. Evidence of Craft in Ärhus between 800 and 1600 AD. Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum, 5: 651–68.Google Scholar
Skov, H. 2010. The Defence and Town Fortifications of Århus from the 8th to the 15th Century. Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum, 7: 883–98.Google Scholar
Skre, D. 2007. Towns and Markets, Kings and Central Places in South-Western Scandinavia. In: Skre, D., ed. Kaupang in Skiringssal, Kaupang Excavation Project Publications Series 1. Oslo: Aarhus University Press, pp. 445–69.Google Scholar
Smirnova, L. 2002. Comb-Making in Medieval Novgorod (950–1450): An Industry in Transition. , University of Bournemouth.Google Scholar
Stephan, E. 1994. Die Materialsbestimmung der “Bein” schnallen aus Bopfingen, Pfullingen und Gruibingen. In: Quast, D., ed. Merowingerzeitliche Funde aus der Martinskirche in Pfullingen, Kreis Reutlingen. Fundberichte aus Baden-Wurtttemberg, 19:653–60.Google Scholar
Stewart, J.R.M., Allen, R.B., Jones, A.K.G., Penkman, K.E.H. & Collins, M.J. 2013. ZooMS: Making Eggshell Visible in the Archaeological Record. Journal of Archaeological Science, 40: 1797–804.Google Scholar
Strohalm, M., Kavan, D., Novák, P., Volný, M. & Havlícek, V. 2010. mMass 3: A Cross-Platform Software Environment for Precise Analysis of Mass Spectrometric Data. Analytical Chemistry, 82 (11): 4648–51.Google Scholar
Taylor, P.J. 2012. Extraordinary Cities: Early ‘City-ness’ and the Origins of Agriculture and States. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 36: 415–47.Google Scholar
Theuws, F. 2004. Exchange, Religion, Identity and Central Places in the early Middle Ages. Archaeological Dialogues, 10 (2): 121–38.Google Scholar
Trigger, B.G. 2008. Early Cities: Craft Workers, Kings, and Controlling the Supernatural. In: Marcus, J. and Sabloff, J.A., eds. The Ancient City. New Perspectives on Urbanism in the Old and New World. Santa Fe: SAR Press, pp. 53–66.Google Scholar
Ulbricht, I. 1978. Die Geweihverarbeitung in Haithabu. Die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 7. Neumünster: Wachholtz.Google Scholar
van Doorn, N.L. 2014. Zooarchaeology by Mass Spectrometry (ZooMS). In: Smith, C., ed. Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology. New York: Springer New York, pp. 7998–8000.Google Scholar
van Doorn, N.L., Hollund, H. & Collins, M.J. 2011. A Novel and Non-Destructive Approach for ZooMS Analysis: Ammonium Bicarbonate Buffer Extraction. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, 3: 281–89.Google Scholar
Verhulst, A. 1994. The Origins and Early Development of Medieval Towns in Northern Europe. The Economic History Review, 47 (2): 362–73.Google Scholar
von Holstein, I.C., Ashby, S.P., Van Doorn, N.L., Sachs, S.M., Buckley, M., Meirai, M., Barnes, I., Brundle, A. & Collins, M.J. 2014. Searching for Scandinavians in Pre-Viking Scotland: Molecular Fingerprinting of Early Medieval Combs. Journal of Archaeological Science, 41: 1–6.Google Scholar
Weber, B. 1995. The Identification of Raw Material in Combs. Universitetets Oldsaksamlings Årbok, 1993/ 1994: 197–205.Google Scholar
Wickham, C. 2005. Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Wigh, B. 2001. Animal Husbandry in the Viking Age Town of Birka and its Hinterland. Stockholm: The Birka Project, Riksantikvarieämbetet, pp. 120–23.Google Scholar
Yoffee, N. 2005. Myths of the Archaic State. Evolution of the Earliest Cities, States, and Civilizations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar