¹ Rauti, G., L'immane conflitto. Mussolini, Roosevelt, Stalin, Churchill, Hitler (Rome: Centro editoriale nazionale, 1966), 14–15Google Scholar.

² Ibid., 190–1.

³ Festorazzi, R., Starace: il mastino della Rivoluzione Fascista (Milan: Mursia, 2002), 10Google Scholar. Mursia continues to specialise in publishing such revisionist works.

⁴ Farinacci's plagiarism of his law thesis is admitted but explained away by Pardini with Farinacci's own line that the matter was then not a crime but rather was quite a habit in Italy (see Pardini, Roberto Farinacci, 118 n., 306).

⁵ For one example see Lucifero, F., L'ultimo re: i diari del ministro della Real Casa 1944–1946, ed. Lucifero, A and Perfetti, F. (Milan: Mondadori, 2002)Google Scholar, where Perfetti, in his introduction (xxxi–xxxii), hints that a monarchist victory might have been stolen by republicans during the poll in June 1946.

⁶ For the intellectual and sociological background, see Bosworth, R. J. B., The Italian Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives in the Interpretation of Mussolini and Fascism (London: Arnold, 1999)Google Scholar.

⁷ For his own pietas to his predecessor, see Gentile, E., Renzo De Felice: lo storico e il personaggio (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁸ English-speaking readers might like to compare Painter, B., Mussolini's Rome: Rebuilding the Eternal City (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which is not dissimilar in its argument.

⁹ For an account of the specificities of the area around San Lorenzo, destined to be bombed in July 1943, see Piccioni, L., San Lorenzo: un quartiere romano durante il fascismo (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1984)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For a lively example see Finaldi, G., Mussolini and Italian Fascism (Harlow: Pearson, 2008)Google Scholar.

¹¹ The brevity of this work is a striking contrast to the massive Sassoon, D., The Culture of Europeans (New York: HarperCollins, 2006)Google Scholar.

¹² The gap between English-language-speaking and Italian interpretation of Fascist diplomacy may be enhanced by the presence of Francesco Perfetti as academic head of the archives of the Italian ministry of foreign affairs.

¹³ Knox, M., To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and National Socialist Dictatorships (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 131CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Ibid., 50, 57.

¹⁵ Ibid., 302–4.

¹⁶ Ibid., 371.

¹⁷ Ibid., 384.

¹⁸ See Knox, M., Mussolini Unleashed 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hitler's Italian Allies: Royal Armed Forces, Fascist Regime, and the War of 1940–1943 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Common Destiny: Dictatorship, Foreign Policy, and War in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

¹⁹ There is a major new biography of Italy's ambitious Liberal foreign minister, Antonino Di San Giuliano, 1910–1914, a man with deep interest in Albania and an important figure in any assessment of the continuity of Italian expansionist hopes. See Ferraiolo, G., Politica e diplomazia in Italia tra XIX e XX secolo. Vita di Antonino di San Giuliano 1852–1914 (Rome: Rubbettino, 2007)Google Scholar.

²⁰ In this instance, Cambridge University Press has not done well with its translator, and readers with Italian will prefer the original: Rodogno, D., Il Nuovo Ordine Mediterraneo: le politiche di occupazione dell'Italia fascista in Europa (1940–1943) (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2003)Google Scholar.

²¹ Pavone, C., Una guerra civile: saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1991)Google Scholar.

²² General Mario Roatta's note ‘3C’ of 1 March 1942 confirmed this vicious racism (pp. 335–8).

²³ Cf. Steinberg, J., All or Nothing: The Axis and the Holocaust 1941–1943 (London: Routledge 1993)Google Scholar.