I would like to thank the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton for the year, 1973–74,1 spent as a Visiting Fellow, in which I was able to write and present this paper.

¹ For illustrations, see Tiryakian, Edward A., ‘A Model of Societal Change and Its Lead Indicators‘ in Samuel Klausner, Z., ed., The Study of Total Societies (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1967), pp. 69–97,Google Scholar and Galtung, Johan, ‘Feudal Systems, Structural Violence and the Structural Theory of Revolutions’ in Proceedings of the International Peace Research Association, Third Conference, Vol. I(Oslo,1969,) pp. 110Google Scholar‘internal war’ is ‘inauthentic’, Harry Eckstein confesses to being ‘stumped’ by the difficulty and poses no solution. His decision to ‘arbitrarily begin study by ruling out cases not preponderantly internal to legal and moral entities‘ [societies] is an invitation to eliminate every revolution historians and social scientists might wish to study. See Eckstein, H., ed., Internal War: Problems and Approaches (New York: The Free Press, 1964),Google Scholar and Gurr, Ted R., Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).Google Scholar Historians, in general, have been far more sensitive than social scientists to the world-wide dimensions of revolutions. See in particular Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen, Out of Revolution: Autobiography of Western Man (New York: W. Morrow and Co., 1938),Google Scholar and Palmer, R. R., The Age of the Democratic Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964).Google Scholar

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⁵ Deutsch, Karl W., ‘External Involvement in Internal War’ in Eckstein, Harry, ed., Internal War, pp. 100–10.Google Scholar See also Bendix, Reinhard, Nation-Building and Citizenship: Studies of Our Changing Social Order (New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1969);Google ScholarCollins, Randall, ‘A Comparative Approach to Political Sociology’ in Bendix, Reinhard, ed., State and Society (Boston: Little, Brown &Co., 1968), pp. 42–67;Google ScholarPubMed and Nettl, J. P. and Robertson, R., International Systems and the Modernization of Societies (New York: Basic Books, 1968), Part III.Google Scholar

⁶ Cf. Eckstein. For statistical evidence, see Calvert, Peter, A Study of Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970).Google Scholar

⁷ On Revolution (New York: The Viking Press, 1965), pp. 49, 55.Google ScholarPubMed A good critique of this book can be found in Hobsbawm, E. J., Revolutionaries (New York: Pantheon Books, 1973), pp. 201–15.Google Scholar

⁸ Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), pp. 425–29.Google Scholar See also in this regard, Wolf, Eric R., Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper & Row, 1969).Google Scholar

⁹ ‘From Social History to the History of Society‘, Daedalus, Winter 1971, pp. 20–45.Google Scholar

¹⁰ I owe this very useful notion to Kirchheimer, Otto, ‘Confining Conditions and Revolutionary Breakthroughs‘, American Political Science Review, LIX (1965), pp. 964–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Quoted in Marshall, James, Swords and Symbols: The Technique of Sovereignty (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1969), pp. 140–41Google Scholar

¹² Quoted in Epstein, Klaus, The Genesis of German Conservatism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 391–92.Google Scholar

¹³ Hintze, Otto, ‘The Emergence of the Democratic Nation-State‘ in Lubasz, Heinz, ed., The Development of the Modern State (New York: Macmillan Co., 1964), p. 66.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Kirchheimer, p. 396.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Gerschenkron, ‘Reflections on Economic Aspects of Revolutions‘, in Eckstein, p. 189.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Marcuse, Herbert, Soviet Marxism: A Critical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Kirchheimer, p. 405.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Gerschenkron, pp. 196–97.Google Scholar See also his Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965).Google Scholar

²⁰ Typical of this literature is Kaplan, Lawrence, ed., Revolutions-A Comparative Study: From Cromwell to Castro (New York: Vintage Books, 1973).Google Scholar

²¹ Les Damnées de la terre (Paris: Maspero, 1963), p. 48.Google Scholar

²² Teodoro Petkoff, Socialismo para Venezuela (Caracas: Fuentes); quoted in The New York Review of Books, November 15, 1973, p. 32.Google Scholar See also Debray, Regis, Revolution in the Revolution? (New York, 1967),Google Scholar and Moreno, José A., ‘Ché Guevara on Guerrilla Warfare: Doctrine, Practice and Evaluation‘, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 12, No. 2 (04 1970), pp. 114–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³ For provocative discussions on this point, see Wolin, Sheldon S., ‘The Politics of the Study of Revolution,’ Comparative Politics, Vol. 5, No. 3 (04 1973), pp. 343–58,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Lowenthal, Richard, ‘Unreason and Revolution’, Encounter, XXXIII (11 1969), pp. 22–34.Google Scholar

²⁴ Huntington, Samuel P., ‘The Bases of Accommodation’, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 46, 1968, p. 650.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A good critique of counterinsurgency research can be found in Ahmad, Eqbal, ‘Revolutionary Warfare and Counterinsurgency’ in Miller, Norman and Aya, R., eds., National Liberation: Revolution in the Third World (New York: The Free Press, 1971), pp. 137–213.Google Scholar

²⁵ Modernization: Latecomers and Survivors (New York: Basic Books, 1972), pp. 18–19.Google Scholar

²⁶ Schurmann, Franz, Ideology and Organization in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965);Google ScholarSchwartz, Benjamin I., ‘Modernization and the Maoist Vision-Some Reflections on Chinese Communist Goals’, The China Quarterly, No. 21 (01–03), pp. 3–19;Google ScholarLevenson, Joseph, Revolution and Cosmopolitanism: The Western Stage and the Chinese Stages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971);Google Scholar and Pfeffer, Richard M., ‘Mao Tse-tung and the Cultural Revolution‘ in Miller, N. and Aya, R., eds., National Liberation, pp. 249–96.Google Scholar

²⁷ See my Leadership and National Development in North Africa: A Comparative Study (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972).Google Scholar

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²⁹ ‘Myrdal's Mythology: “Modernism” and the Third World’, Encounter, 07 1969, p. 32.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., p. 34. Consult this article for a fuller discussion. See also Kothari, Rajni, Politics in India (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1970).Google Scholar

³¹ “Crises and Change in Latin America“, Journal of International Affairs, Vol. XXIII, No. 1 (1969), p. 77.Google Scholar

³² Nun, José, ‘The Middle Class Military Coup’ in Veliz, Claudio, ed., The Politics of Conformity in Latin America (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 66–118.Google Scholar

³³ Johnson, Chalmers, in Peasant Nationalism and Communist Power (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), applies the notion of nationalism to the Chinese Revolution in order to debunk both.Google Scholar

³⁴ ‘After the Revolution: The Fate of Nationalism in the New States’ in Barber, B. and Inkeles, A., eds., Stability and Social Change (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1971), pp. 357–76.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Sartre, Jean-Paul, Critique de la raison dialectique (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1960).Google Scholar Sartre advances an argument similar to that of Parsons, who says: ‘Marxism-even as it operates in China—is thus as much a part of the Western cultural heritage as was Protestantism in an earlier period’ (see The System of Modern Societies [Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971], p. 141).Google ScholarPubMed Levi-Strauss describes this view as a form of ‘intellectual cannibalism’ (The Savage Mind [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966], pp. 245–69).Google ScholarPubMed

³⁶ The same objections to the applicability of models derived from larger nations emanate from another periphery—namely, the small European polities. Concerning the latter, Barrington Moore has written: ‘The fact that smaller countries depend economically and politically on big and powerful ones means that the decisive causes of their politics lie outside their own boundaries. It also means that their political problems are not really comparable to those of larger countries’ (Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, pp. xii-xiii). It follows that the study of small countries can only involve processes of diffusion and adaptation. On this, area experts remark that, since most societies happen to be followers, there is as much reason to devote serious attention to processes of diffusion as to concentrate analytical efforts on leading nations; and small polities, such as Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Sweden, have generated kinds of institutional innovations that do not always have equivalents in the leading political units. (See Rokkan, Stein, ‘Crosscultural, Cross-societal and Cross-national Research’ in Main Trends of Research in the Social and Human Sciences, Part One: Social Sciences [Paris, The Hague: Mouton/UNESCO, 1970[, pp. 645–89;Google Scholar and Daalder, Hans, ‘On Building Consociational Nations: The Cases of the Netherlands and Switzerland’, International Social Science Journal, Vol. XXIII, No. 3 [1971[, pp. 355–70.Google Scholar Also useful in this respect is Lester Salamon, M., ‘Comparative History and the Theory of Modernization’, World Politics, Vol. XXIII, No. 1 [10 1970], pp. 83–103.)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ A Bias for Hope: Essays on Development and Latin America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), p. 335.Google Scholar

³⁸ van Benthem, GodfriedBergh, van den, ‘The Structure of Development: An Invitation to the Sociology of Norbert Elias’, Occasional Papers (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, No. 13 [10 1971]).Google Scholar