I have benefited greatly in writing this paper from suggestions by William Beinart, Vinita Damodaran, Mariodi Gregorio, and Quentin Cronk. The research for it was generously supported by the Royal Society; Clare Hall, Cambridge; the British Academy, and the estate of J. C. Smuts.

¹ See Richards, J. F., Hagen, J. R., and Haynes, E. S., “Changing Land-Use in Bihar, Punjab and Haryana,” Modern Asian Studies, 19 (1985), 699–752Google Scholar. In some respects a reliance on official sources produced between 1870 and 1970 has led to a neglect of the critical but little understood period of forest clearance between 1780 and 1850, colonial perceptions of which led to the developments described in this paper.

² For some initial attempts in this direction, see Wallerstein, I., The Modern World System (Academic Press, New York, 1974)Google Scholar. There remain, of course, some major problems to be encountered in equating any expansion of the “European world system” with processes of ecological change. It is now well established that the activities of indigenous peoples in Australia and East Africa, for example, caused widespread ecological change long before the advent of the European. The same was true in many Pacific islands; see the chapter on Easter Island in Clive Ponting's A Green History of the World (London: Sinclair Stevenson, 1991)Google Scholar.

³ An outstanding exception is found in Conrad Totman's survey of forest conservation in Japan in the seventeenth century. See The Green Archipelago (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989)Google ScholarPubMed.

⁴ See Grove, R. H., “Conservation and Colonial Expansion: The Development of Environmental Attitudes and Conservation Policies on St. Helena, Mauritius, and in Western India” (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, United Kingdom)Google Scholar; and “The Origins of Environmentalism,” Nature, 05 23, 1990Google Scholar.

⁵ This argument is put forward in Worster, D., Nature's Economy; A History of Western Ecological Ideas (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁶ For a useful survey, see Tucker, R. P. and Richards, J. R., eds., Global Deforestation and the World Economy (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1983)Google Scholar.

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⁸ For discussions of the later development of conservation ideologies, see Grove, R., “Scottish Missionaries, Evangelical Discourses and the Origins of Conservation Thinking in Southern Africa, 1820–1900,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 15:2 (01 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Beinart, W., “Soil Erosion, Conservationism and Ideas about Development: A Southern African Exploration, 1900–1960,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 11:1 (1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ For a useful analogous discussion of colonial state hostility to capital interests, see Washbrook, D., “Law, State and Agrarian Society in Colonial India,” Modern Asian Studies, 15 (1981), 648–721CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ E.g., Worster, Nature's economy; Hays, S., Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency; The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1880–1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1959)Google Scholar; Lowenthal, D., George Perkins Marsh, Versatile Vermonter (New York, 1958)Google Scholar.

¹¹ See especially Guha, R., The Unquiet Woods; Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalaya (Delhi: Oxford Universtiy Press, 1989)Google Scholar, and Gadgil, M., “Towards an Ecological History of India,” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. XX (1985), 1909–18Google Scholar. Similar interpretations appear in Shiva, V., “Afforestation in India; Problems and Strategies,” Ambio, vol. 14:6 (1985)Google Scholar, and Gadgil, M., Deforestation; Problems and Prospects (New Delhi: Society for Promotion of Woodlands Development, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹² For some details of early phases of pre-colonial deforestation, see Makhan Lai, , “Iron Tools, Forest Clearance and Urbanisation in the Gangetic Plains,” Man and Environment, 10 (1984):83–90Google Scholar. Widespread deforestation in the Ganges valley during the fourteenth century led to water-table declines and extensive soil deterioration.

¹³ Marsh, G. P., Man and Nature (New York, 1864)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Marsh was well aware of the deforestation history of St. Helena and early attempts to control the process. He was largely unaware, however, of the history of Indian conservation with which he became acquainted only through correspondence with Dr. Hugh Cleghorn during the late 1860s. See Cleghorn/Marsh correspondence (Marsh Papers, Archives Department of Vermont, Burlington, Vt., 1865–82).

¹⁵ For an extended introduction to the evolution of Hippocratic environmental psychology see Glacken, Clarence, Traces on the Rhodian Shore (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ See Grove, R. H., “Conservation and Colonial Expansion,” (PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988, Ch. 5)Google Scholar. It has to be said that the more Utopian and transcendental elements in conservationism during the period were partly suppressed, for fairly obvious reasons. Nevertheless a careful inspection of the writings of Hugh Cleghorn in particular indicates similar underlying preoccupations, reinforced by the Humboldtian antecedents of much of early conservation thinking in colonial India.

¹⁷ For a specific characterisation of this genre of science, see Cunningham, A. and Jardine, N., eds., Romanticism and the Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

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¹⁹ For details of the growth on early metropolitan environmental lobby groups, see Sheail, J., Nature in Trust (London: Dent, 1976)Google Scholar. The most important of these was the Commons Preservation Society founded by Octavia Hill, Robert Hunter, John Stuart Mill, T. H. Huxley, and George Shaw-Lefevre. See Eversley, Lord (G. Shaw-Lefevre), Forests, Commons and Footpaths (London, 1912)Google Scholar.

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²³ Semple, Ellen C., The Geography of the Ancient Mediterranean (London, 1932)Google Scholar.

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²⁶ The Venetian records show that local peasant opposition to state conservation, featuring even active sabotage and incendiarism, contributed to this policy. The phenomenon of popular resistance to colonial forest policy was repeated over and over again in the context of much later colonial conservation policy, especially in Africa and India. See Grove, Richard, “Colonial Conservation, Ecological Hegemony and Popular Resistance,” 15–57Google Scholar.

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³⁵ This stood in stark contrast to the official response developing outside the European domain, particularly in Japan. Here, as Conrad Totman has recently revealed, rapid population increases, urban growth, and fuelwood demand had led to a widespread ecological crisis by the mid-seventeenth century. The Tokugawa Shogunate responded by initiating an elaborate forest conservation and reafforestation programme designed both to safeguard timber reserves and prevent soil erosion. These measures do, however, not appear to have become known to European contemporaries. See C. Totman, The Green Archipelago.

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⁵² For an overall literature survey, see Boomgard, P., “Forests and Forestry on Java. 1677–1941,” in Dargavel, J., ed., Changing Tropical Forests, Historical Perspectives on Today's Challenges, (Canberra: Australian National University, Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies Special Publication, 1989)Google Scholar. Far more detailed accounts are contained in numerous articles by E.H.B. Brascamp. in particular “Hourlevanties onder de O. I. Compagnie, De Aate van 21 Juin desor de soeshanan aan de O. I. Compagnie verleend tot het Kappen van hout-weiken in de bosschen van blora [uit het koloniaal Archief No. XLX11]”, Tijdschrift voor Indische taal, land en Volkenkunde van het Koninklijke Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kusten en Wettenschappen, 52 (1932), 108–12Google Scholar.

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⁵⁵ Some idea of the early stages of this process is contained in Das, Diprakanjan, Economic History of the Deccan (Delhi: Munshiram, 1976), 105–115Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Report of the Bombay Forest Commission, 1887, Vols. 1 and 2 (Bombay: Government Press, 1887)Google Scholar. The taxation features of Maratha forest policy are an unexplored field in research terms; however, for a cursory survey, see Vashishta, H. B., Land Revenue and Public Finance in Maratha Administration, (Delhi, 1975, 138–46)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁸ A short account of these is given by Lambrick, H. T. in Sir Charles Napier and Sind (Oxford: Clarendon, 1952), 22–24, 192–3Google Scholar.

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⁶⁰ A detailed account of the impact of new naval demand is found in Wadia, R. A., The Bombay Dockyard and the Wadia Master Builders (Bombay, 1957)Google Scholar.

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⁶² Toussaint, R., ed., Dictionary of Mauritian Biography, 154Google Scholar. See also; Grove, , “Conservation and Colonial Expansion,” 88–102Google Scholar.

⁶³ R. Kyd to Company Board, Fort William, Madras, dated 15 April 1786, quoted in “Proceedings of the Supreme Council relative to the establishment of a botanic garden at Mackwa Tannah,” Calcutta, in India Office Library, Home Miscellaneous, No. 799, pp. 1–207.

⁶⁴ Higgs, H., The Physiocrats, Six Lectures on the French Economistes of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1897)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ For biographical details of Poivre, see Malleret, L., Pierre Poivre (Paris: L'Ecole Francais D'Extreme Orient, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ These journeys are detailed in Ly-Tio-Fane, Madeleine, Mauritius and the Spice Trade: The Odyssey of Pierre Poivre (Port Louis: Mauritius Archives Publication Fund, 1958)Google Scholar; and “Pierre Poivre et l'expansion français dans l'lndo-Pacifiques,” Bulletin de l'Ecole Français d'Extreme Orient (Paris, 1967) [Extrait du Tome LI 11 Fasc. n. 2]Google Scholar.

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⁷⁰ Poivre, P., D'Amerique et des Americains (Berlin, 1771)Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Poivre's seminal metropolitan interlude is covered in Laissus, Y., “Note sur les manuscrits de Pierre Poivre (1719–1786) conserves a la bibliotheque centrale du Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle,” in Proceedings of the Royal Society of Arts and Sciences of Mauritius, vol. 4, Pt 2, (1973), p. 37 and p. 37, n. 2Google Scholar.

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⁷⁴ Discours prononces par M. Poivre, Commissaire du Roi, l'un a l'assemblee generate des habitans de l'Isle de France tors de son arrivee dans la colonie, l'autre a la premiere assemblee publique du Conseil Superieur nouvellement etablie dans l'isle (Imprimerie Royale, Port Louis. 1768, 50 pp)Google Scholar. [This publication is very rare, but a copy is at the Auguste Brunet Library, Toulon.]

⁷⁵ See Salles, J., ed., Oeuvres completes de Pierre Poivre (Paris, 1797)Google Scholar; A copy of this book is held at the University Library, Cambridge, United Kingdom.

⁷⁶ The separate articles are compiled in (Anon.) Reglement economique sur le défrichement des terres et la conservation des bois de l'Isle de France (Imprimerie Royale, Port Louis, 1769)Google Scholar; [Auguste Brunet Library, Toulon.] The rules were signed by Governor Desroches as well as Poivre himself.

⁷⁷ Details of this transference are found, for example, in Government of Natal, Report of the Committee Enquiring into the Extent and Condition of the Forest Lands of the Colony (Pietermaritzburg: Government Printer, 1880)Google Scholar [held at Natal Provincial Archives, Pietermaritzburg, Natal, South Africa] regulations into India as early as 1844 is provided in Sleeman, W. H., Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official (London: J. Hatchard, 1844), 450Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ A certificate releasing Commerson to the service of Poivre's administration was delivered to him by Bougainville on 15 November 1768. For details, see Series designated ‘Col-E.’, Commerson's File, Fl., Archives Nationales, Paris.

⁷⁹ See Bernardin de Saint Pierre, J. H., Voyage a l'Isle de France (Paris, 1773)Google Scholar. I have referred to the edition published in London in 1800 as A Voyage to the Isle of France.

⁸⁰ This was probably Dalbergia latifolia.

⁸¹ This valuing was of a very personal kind on Commerson's part: “My plants,” he wrote, “my beloved plants have consoled me for everything; I found in them, Nepenthes, curare, dulce” (Pasfield-Oliver, S., The Life of Philibert Commerson [London, 1909], 202Google Scholar).

⁸² For details of Rousseau's botanical enthusiasms, see Rousseau, J. J., Letters on the Elements of Botany Addressed to a Lady, Martyn, T., trans. (London, 1782)Google Scholar.

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⁸⁶ The main articles were Arrete of the 13th Messidor, Art. 111 (July 1795); and Arrete of the 14th Vendemiaire, Art XI11 (October 1804). It was this last law which the British incorporated on their annexation of the island in 1810.

⁸⁷ Ly-Tio-Fane, M., “Notice historique” (Port Louis, Mauritius: Royal Society of Arts and Sciences of Mauritius, 150th Anniversary. Commemorative Publication, 1986)Google Scholar.

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⁸⁹ Beatson, A., “Account of Mauritius,” (unpublished ms, British Museum, BM13868. London, 1784)Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁰ In that year the Court of Directors had warned the island Council that “we are of the opinion that encouraging the growth of wood is of utmost consequence to this Island not only from the advantages to be derived from it as a fuel, but because it is well known that trees have an attractive power on the clouds, especially when they pass over hills so high as those on your island and we are inclined to believe that the misfortunes the island has been subject to from drought may in some measure have been averted had the growth of wood been properly attended to,” (my emphasis).

¹⁰¹ Martin, R., The Sanitary Condition of Calcutta (Calcutta. 1836)Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁶ See, for example, Thomas, J. E., “Notes on Ryotwar or Permanent Money Rents in S. India, and on the Duty of Government in Periods of Famine,” Madras Journal of Literature andScience (1838), 53–78, 200–21Google Scholar; and Grove, , “Conservation and Colonial Expansion,” 258–329Google Scholar. The remainder of this paper is based heavily on the latter pages, which should be referred to for more detailed primary sources.

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¹⁰⁸ See (Anon.), Obituary of Gibson, Alexander in the Proceedings of the Linnaean Society (1867), p. 33Google Scholar. See also entry on Gibson in Crawford, D. G., The Roll of the Indian Medical Service (Calcutta, 1930)Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁵ Ibid., 118.

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¹¹⁷ Gibson, A., “Report on Deforestation in South Conkan.” Transactions of the Bombay Medical and Physical Society, 37 (1846), 11–22Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Despatch no. 21, Court of Directors, EIC, to Government of India, dated 7 July, 1847, quoted in Balfour papers, V/27/560/107. Azimghur was a district mentioned specifically by Donald Butter in his Topography of Awadh. The Court had clearly referred to the work.

¹¹⁹ For a fuller outline of the philosophy involved, see Gibson, A.. “A Description of the System Adopted for the Forest Conservancy of the Bombay Presidency,” in Gibson, A., ed., A Handbook to the Forests of the Bombay Presidency (Byculla: Government Printer, 1863), 53–114Google Scholar.

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¹²⁶ The appointment was made jointly with Dietrich Brandis, a German botanist.

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