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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
The first eclogue opens with an exposition, put in the mouth of Meliboeus (1.1–5):
I should like to thank CQ's anonymous reviewer and CQ's editor for their comments and suggestions.
1 R. Coleman, Vergil Eclogues (Cambridge, 1977), 71–3; W. Clausen, Virgil Eclogues (Oxford, 1994), 33–9; A. Cucchiarelli, Publio Virgilio Marone: Le Bucoliche (Roma, 2012), 136–42; G. Paraskeviotis, ‘Vergil's use of Greek and Roman sources in the Eclogues’ (Diss., University of Leeds, 2009), 18–35.
2 In addition to the commentaries, see e.g. B.W. Breed, Pastoral Inscriptions: Reading and Writing Virgil's Eclogues (London, 2006), 95–101.
3 Cf. Verdenius, W.J., ‘Tyrtaeus 6–7 D: a commentary’, Mnemosyne 22 (1969), 337–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 339.
4 Note that πίονα ἔργα and πίονας ἀγρούς are allomorphs of the same formula; cf. Od. 8.560–1 πόλιας καὶ πίονας ἀγροὺς | ἀνθρώπων and Hom. Hymn Dem. 93 ἀνθρώπων πόλιας καὶ πίονα ἔργα.
5 On the engagement with non-bucolic genres in the Eclogues, see especially S.J. Harrison, Generic Enrichment in Vergil and Horace (Oxford, 2007), 34–74, and F. Jones, Virgil's Garden: The Nature of Bucolic Space (London, 2011), 17–24.
6 Cf. in general R. Hunter, ‘One verse of Mimnermus? Latin elegy and archaic Greek elegy’, in T.D. Papanghelis, S.J. Harrison, S. Frangoulidis (edd.), Generic Interfaces in Latin Literature: Encounters, Interactions and Transformations (Berlin, 2013), 337–49, speaking (at 341) of the ‘general Roman silence about archaic Greek elegy, a silence for which there is all but certainly more than one reason, including the relative unfamiliarity of texts’.
7 Suda, s.v. Τυρταῖος, speaks of five books.
8 Such a single-book edition is often postulated for the fourth century b.c.; cf. Meier, M., ‘Tyrtaios – Die Entstehung eines Bildes’, A&A 49 (2003), 157–82Google Scholar, at 170.
9 Lindo, L.I., ‘Tyrtaeus and Horace Odes 3.2’, CPh 66 (1971), 258–60Google Scholar.
10 See e.g. Paus. 4.23.1–9.
11 On bucolic and non-bucolic geography in the Eclogues, cf. Jones (n. 5), 17–18 and passim.
12 Tityrus’ servitude to Galatea, during which he could make no profit from selling his farm products and therefore was unable to buy himself free (1.33–5), can perhaps be compared with the enslavement and heavy quitrent imposed on the Messenians (fr. 6.2–3 West δεσποσύνοισι φέροντες ἀναγκαίης ὕπο λυγρῆς | ἥμισυ πάνθ’ ὅσσων καρπὸν ἄρουρα φέρει).
13 See Breed (n. 2), 101–16.
14 See V. Panoussi, Greek Tragedy in Vergil's “Aeneid”: Ritual, Empire, and Intertext (Cambridge, 2009), 2–3, who speaks of ‘resolving the controversy of the “two voices” of the Aeneid by grounding it in the tension between two generic models, epic and tragic’. This is arguably an oversimplification, but Panoussi's general intuition that the Aeneid's polyphony of ideas in some way correlates with its intertextual polyphony is no doubt correct.
15 Note that Meliboeus denounces his former bucolic voice (1.77): carmina nulla canam.
16 See M. von Albrecht, P. Vergilius Maro: Bucolica – Hirtengedichte (Stuttgart, 2001), 100–2.
17 It has, of course, been disputed whether Tityrus’ invitation is sincere, whether it is an adequate response to Meliboeus’ misfortunes, and whether it will be accepted. For a positive reading, see G. Davis, ‘Consolation in the bucolic mode: the Epicurean cadence of Vergil's first eclogue’, in D. Armstrong et al. (edd.), Vergil, Philodemus, and the Augustans (Austin, 2004), 63–74. Cf. also von Albrecht (n. 16), 102: ‘So regt Tityrus gerade durch seine »Unbeweglichkeit« Meliboeus an, den Bannkreis der Antinomien, in dem er sich bewegt, zu verlassen. Tityrus’ einladende Geste könnte den anderen, wenn auch nur vorübergehend, in die eigene Welt einbeziehen: ein Ansatz zu problemlösendem Verhalten.’