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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Pauly's Real-Encyclopädie knows of two women named after the attractive looking,but allegedly unappetising fish, c⋯λπη. The first is mentioned several times in theelder Pliny, who on one occasion refers to her as an obstetrix, while the second features in the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus as a writer of πα⋯γνια. In a recent issue of this journal J. N. Davidson has made the suggestion that they were one and the same person. Salpe's πα⋯γνια, Davidson argues, would not have consisted of light or frivolous verse, but of a compilation of prose recipes of a kind that is to be found in a section of a London magical papyrus which is headed πα⋯γνια Δημοκρ⋯του. Such recipes might well have cohabited with the kind of practicalmedical advice reportedly given by the Salpe referred to in Pliny. His case is superficially attractive since, as will be seen, such a collocation of practical help and frivolity is easy to parallel in magical and other subliterary texts. It needs to be scrutinized, however, in the light of a fuller presentation and consideration of the evidence than is to be found in his note. First, it is worth describing at greater length the phenomena in question, which are much more common than one would gather from a reading of Davidson and which are, I suspect, not as yet as familiar to the scholarly world as they should be.
1 Plin. H.N. 28.38, 66, 82, 262; 32.135, 140, RE 1 A 2, Salpe (1). Though she is only once mentioned by name as an obstetrix, she must be included in the obstetrician nobilitas of Plin. H.N.28.67.
2 Athen. 322a, RE 1 A 2, Salpe (2).
3 J. N. Davidson, ‘Don't try this at home: Pliny's Salpe, Salpe's Paignia and magic‘, CQ n.s. 45 (1995), 590–2. The connection between Salpe's 
and the 
of ‘Democritus’ had already been made by M. Wellmann, Die Georgika des Demokritos, SPAW (1921), 29 n. 3. He suggested that, like Laevius', they might have been erotopaignia, but certainly assumed that they were written in prose.
4 PGM 7. 167–86═D.-K. 68 F 300. Compare Maltomini in Corpus deipapirifilosoflci greciii 43 a 11. For the most recent discussion of ‘Democritus’ see P. Kingsley, JWCI51 (1995), 5ff. and, for an English translation of the 
H.-D., Betz (ed.), The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation including the Demotic Spells (Chicago, 1992), 119ff.Google Scholar
5 Reading 
rather than 
in 1. 170 (so K. F. W Schmidt, GGA 196 [1934], 170 following Wessely). In a text of this date there is nothing unusual syntactically about 
followed by the genitive (see L. Rydbeck, Fachprosa, Vermeintliche Volkssprache und neues Testament: zur Beurteilung der sprachliche Niveauunterschiede im nachklassischen Griechisch [Studia Graeca Upsaliensia, 5, Uppsala, 1967], 46ff.), but the sense here demands a singular.
6 For parallels to these 
in Athenaeus see Kotansky ap. Betz (n. 4), 120, nn. 4, 5, 8, 9, 10. For symposiastic tricks see also Anaxilaus ap. Plin. H.N. 35.175, Ael. N.A. 1.38, Suppl.Mag. 2.76, Cyr. 1.8.13H"., 1.15.29E, 2.31.22,2.40.19ff., 3.13.6ff., 4.9.8ff., 4.23.4E, Psell. (see the following note), 70–71.
7 Michael, Psellus, Philosophica Minora 1, edited by Duffy, J. M. (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1992), pp. 32.65–90Google Scholar. If these were indeed excerpted from Julius Africanus' Kesti, we would have another parallel for what Davidson is postulating for his unitary Salpe, recipes for tricks being inserted into a work which contained practical medical (and in this case veterinary) advice, but Wellmann (Die 
des Bobs Demokritos undder Magier Anaxilaosaus Larissa: Teill, APAW[1928], p. 79, also in D. K. 2.220), who drew attention to these tricks in connection with the 
is wrong to treat them as part of the Kesti (excerpted from Anaxilaus' 
). See Vieillefond, J. R., Les Cestes de Julius Africanus. Etude sur l'ensemble des fragments avec édition, traduction et commentaires (Florence and Paris, 1970), p. 312 n. 3.Google Scholar
8 P.Yale 2.134.7–8 (SuppLMag. 2.76). For another paignion on papyrus see PGM 11b. For examples in late manuscripts see A. Delatte, Anecdota Atheniensia 1 (1927), 449 (3–7).
9 
is a supplement, but it is undoubtedly correct. See Maltomini ad loc. adducing parallels such as Ael. N.A. 1.38.
10 I do not agree with the interpretation of the construction of 
offered in Suppl. Mag. (v. contra Bain, CQ n.s. 41 [1991], 57 n. 44). There is no need to take 
as purposive with the infinitive 
and assume the omission of the article: none of the other infinitives in these or other recipes has such an accompaniment.
11 I refer to this work by book, section, and line numbers as given in the edition of D. Kaimakis (Die Kyraniden [Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie Heft 76, Meisenheim am Glan, 1976]). The OCD3 article on the Cyranides is unfortunately out of date, uninformed and uninformative. On the character of this work see D. Bain, ‘“Treading birds ” an unnoticed use of 
(Cyranides, 1.10.27, 1.19.9)’, in Craik, E. M. (ed.), Owls to Athens: Essays on Classical Subjects Presented to Sir Kenneth Dover (Oxford, 1990), pp. 295–304, and, for more detail, my forthcoming RAC entry s. v. Koeraniden.Google Scholar
12 An example of ‘a symposium at sea’, for which see Slater W. J., BICS 23 (1976), 161–70. Compare also 4.9.11ff.
13 Compare also 1.24.56ff. (a recipe for smashing a stone), 1.15.33ff. (to achieve invisibility), and 4.23.4f. (inducing hallucination).
14 For the little that is known of Mnaseas see Maas, RE 15. 2. 2225–2226.
15 Athen. 321f-322a. Jacoby quite arbitrarily deletes the last three words.
16 On 
generally see the Pauly article (RE 18. 2. 2396–2398), which surprisingly is not mentioned by Davidson. See also LSJ s. v. 
III 2.3.4.5.
17 Ael. N.A. 15.19 
.
18 Compare Leonidas of Alexandria, A. P. 6.322 (see D. L. Page, Further Greek Epigrams, p. 515) 
(a highly appropriate reference since each line of the poem is isopsephistic, producing therefore a totally ludic effect) and Meleager, A. P. 7.196, 5f. On Philetas' 
see Kuchenüuller, G., Philetae Coi Reliquiae (Berlin, 1928), 70ff. Ludwig (RE Suppl. XII. 30) assumes that the 
of Aratus were epigrams.Google Scholar
19 Such works were written by Monimus (Diog. Laert. 6.83) and Crates (Diog. Laert. 6.85).
20 Comedy can be referred to deprecatingly and self-deprecatingly in this way (e.g. Plat. Laws 816e). 
, however, can be used technically as a designation of a category of mime. See most recently E. Voutiras, EA 24 (1995), 71.
21 Gorg.Hel.21.
22 So most recently Courtney, E., The Fragmentary Latin Poets (Oxford, 1993), p. 119. West, M. L., Die griechische Dichterin. Bild und Rolle (Lectio Teubneriana VI, Leipzig, 1996), p. 47, does not commit himself.Google Scholar
23 All the examples cited at LSJ II 3 are from prose.
24 
is used of Kallias the author of the alphabetic tragedy (276a). For other examples of 
used of verse authors in Athenaeus see 101a 
and 599f (Aeschylus of Alexandria). Note also 
in the passage of Aelian cited in note 17.
25 I do not see any warrant for Davidson's suggestion (590 n. 1) that 
was a pseudonym of Mnaseas.
26 For Hellenistic works dealing with founders of literary genres see A. Kleingünther, 
. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte einer Fragestellung (Philologus Supplementband 26.1, Leipzig, 1933), 135ff.
27 Polyb. 12.13. For Botrys see also RE 3.1.793, ‘Botrys (3)’, where it is suggested that his 
and 
may have been separate works.
28 For such a mode of reference see D. Bain, ‘?Bo.tiades 
an abusive Graffito from Thorikos‘, ZPE104 (1994), 33–5. Fish-names were not uncommon as nicknames: see Robert, L., Noms indigénes dans Asie-mineure, premiére partie (Paris, 1963), p. 167ff., who actually cites (p. 168 n. 6) a modern Greek instance of this particular name, 
from the island of Lesbos.Google Scholar
29 On 
see Der kleirtePauly 2.1282'3 a n d J. Engels, ZPE96(1993), 26ff.
30 For 
as a title of pornographic works see K. Tsantsanoglou, ZPE 12 (1973),193.
31 See also Ganschinietz, R., Die Capitel des Hippofytos gegen die Magier (Texte und Untersuchungen 39.2, Leipzig, 1913), 19,72.Google Scholar
32 Plin. H.N. 32.135.
33 Davidson, 592. Contrast Blumenthal in RE (note 16), 2397: ‘as Spielerische als Gegensatz zum 
ist alien diesen Bezeichnungen gemeinsam’.
34 Kaibel's comment is cited by Kassel and Austin on 33: ‘despero’.
35 Is this a description of an activity by Marcion or a translation of his Greek title (e.g. 
so Ernout, but better 
, as suggested by David Langslow, which could have motivated a mistranslation)? As the anonymous referee points out, de simplicibus effectibus would constitute an odd sort of title since one expects a drug book to be entitled ‘the properties of simples’ (facultatibus rather than effectibus). effectus, however, is common enough in medical contexts: see TLL s. v. B 2. More detailed examination of Pliny's usage might settle the matter. Celsus, 5.17.1 A (expositis simplicibus facultatibus dicendwn est quemadmodum misceantur, quaeque ex his fiant: cited by OLD) might make the correction suggested by Dalecampius unnecessary by providing a parallel for simplex meaning ‘belonging to simples’. David Langslow who agrees with me that simplicibus must have its usual sense in the Pliny passage suspects that et or ac has fallen out between simplicibus and facultatibus.
36 He does not offer a translation, but it is clear that he wants the expression to mean ‘results that are easy to achieve’, ‘results achievable by easy/simple methods’.
37 ‘Marcion de Smyrne, qui á écrit sur l'action des m dicaments simples’ (Ernout). Compare Bostock-Riley and Jones.
38 Wellmann (1928), pp. 77–80, collects the fragments. Wellmann (p. 57), R. Halleux, Les alchimistes grecs 1, 69ff. and Kingsley (note 4), 7 n. 41, assume the existence of a work by Anaxilaus circulating under the title 
. The sceptic might question this and argue that the way in which Irenaeus alludes to Anaxilaus' 
provides no confirmation for the existence of a work with this title and does not exclude the possibility that Anaxilaus' works were interspersed with 
. A sceptic might also question whether we can be sure of the existence of a work by ps.-Democritus which was entitled 
. It is not otherwise attested. It has become the custom to call an individual item of the kind found there a paignion (so, for example, Maltomini commenting on P. Yale 2.134.7–8 in Supplementum magicum 2, p. 143) and no doubt it is conceivable that a collection of such might have gone under the heading 
, but it might be argued the papyrus-heading does not justify the assumption of the existence of an otherwise unattested Democritean work. It says ‘paignia of Democritus’, not ‘from the paignia of Democritus’.
39 Epiphanius, adv.haer. 34.1: it is printed in Stieren's edition of Irenaeus, vol. 1, p. 144.
40 Irenaeus, adv.haer. 1.13 (vol. 1, p. 145 Stieren). Anaxilaus' work is also referred to as lusus Anaxilai in ps.-Cyprian, de rebaptismate 16 (III, 89ff. Hartel).
41 Plin. H.N. 35.175: for in conuiuüs compare above, note 6.
42 ‘At the end of Book 28 Pliny abandons his source for a while, but returns to her in Book 32...for some handy hints on hair removal...and silencing noisy dogs...’, p. 591.
43 Plin. H.N. 32.135: psilotrum est thynni sanguis, fel, iocur, siue recentia siue seruata, iocur autem tritum mixtoque cedrio plumbea pyxide adseruatum. ita pueros mangonicauit Salpe obstetrix.
44 See T. Kleberg, Eranos 43 (1945), 279: ‘with a n interesting secondary meaning “polish u p in order t o make saleable as slaves”’. Cloudy Fischer points out that, since the psilotrum is used for removing hair, Salpe would be using it o r recommending the use of it to make the pueri look less sexually mature than they really were and therefore more saleable by removing both body and facial hair.
45 Unless we interpret Pliny as intending to imply ‘Salpe [in her recipe-book] suggested this means by which slaves might be made saleable’: quae docet aliosfacere, facit per se?
46 The existence of a work by Rufus of Ephesus entitled ‘On the Sale of Slaves’ proves that medical examinations of slaves must on some occasions at least have taken place before their sale. This lost work is cited by ar-Razi (see Rufus, pp. 469f. Daremberg-Ruelle for the Latin version of the Arabic: there is an English translation of the extracts by F., Rosenthal in The Classical Heritage of Islam [London, 1975], 204).Google Scholar
47 Davidson, 590 n. 1: ‘unlikely to have been coined for the sake of flattery’.
48 Cyr. 1.18.7, where, incidentally, it is described as 
Opinions differed as to its culinary merits: see Thompson (n. 49).
49 See Thompson, Arcy W., A Glossary of Greek Fishes (London, 1947), p. 225. Compare also A. Davidson, Mediterranean Fish (Harmondsworth, 1972), p. 104: ‘an easy fish to recognise, with ten or eleven golden-yellow horizontal stripes’.Google Scholar
50 Davidson (p. 592) argues that obstetrix as applied to Salpe need not necessarily mean ‘midwife’ and quotes with approval de Saint-Denis's translation ‘sage-femme’. ‘Sage-femme’ is, in fact, the French for midwife.
51 Cyr. 1.18.50ff. 4.58.2ff.
52 Cyr. 1.18.52ff. 4.58.4ff.
53 Cyr. 1.18.54–69. See also Waegeman, M., Amulet and Alphabet: Magical Amulets in the First Book of Cyranides (Amsterdam, 1987), p. 145.Google Scholar