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Economic Necessity and Political Ideals in Educational Reform During the Cultural Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Extract

Educational reform has been one of the important issues raised during the Cultural Revolution, not merely because it belongs to the realm of culture but, more important, because it bears on the question of “cultivating revolutionary successors” and on the shaping of the whole future of China. Anyone seizing power wishes to keep it for a certain length of time; it is however a special feature of people's revolutions to set their goals on the prospect of a boundless future. In this regard, gaining power in education is not simply one side of the struggle for actual total power (mastering the “superstructure” as well as the “structure”) it is the guarantee of everlasting rule, on the assumption that the mind is ultimately the only thing man can rely upon and which is entirely within his grasp. As one slogan puts it: “The earth may shake, heaven may fall, but we shall ever be faithful to Chairman Mao.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1970

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References

* This article was completed in December 1969 and does not include any information available only after that date.Google Scholar

1 Jen-min jih-pao (People's Daily) (Peking), 19 05 1969, p. 3, report on Kuangshan district in Honan.Google Scholar

2 The attack was led by the 1966 graduates of Peking No. 1 girls middle school who protested against the system of admission to institutions of higher learning in a letter of 6 June 1966 to the Central Committee and Chairman Mao. On 13 June 1966, a circular from the Central Committee declared that the entrance examinations to institutions of higher learning should be radically reformed and that those institutions would not enroll new students for six months. The two documents appear in Kuang-ming jih-pao (KMJP), 18 06 1966. Though some later reports casually refer to somebody as a first-year university student (e.g., People's Daily, 16 September 1968, p. 3, which mentions a first-year student of Korean in Peking University), there is no evidence that universities and colleges have regularly resumed admission.Google Scholar

3 New China News Agency (NCNA), 28 10 1968, in Survey of China Mainland Press (SCMP) (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate General), No. 4291, p. 15.Google Scholar

4 See, for example, People's Daily, 18 10 1968, p. 1, in Current Background (CB) (Hong Kong), No 868, pp. 15Google Scholar, on criticism in a Chekiang rural area, and People's Daily, 7 03 1968 (CB, No. 854), on criticism in the Ts'ao-ch'ang-ti middle school in Peking.Google Scholar

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6 KMJP, 15 November 1968, p. 1, this did not include board. Unless otherwise specified, the preceding and following figures are from direct inquiries by the author in various places in 1965 and early 1966.Google Scholar

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8 People's Daily, 18 June 1969, p. 3, article by Liu I-nung.Google Scholar

9 Among numerous articles expounding these various grievances: People's Daily, 28 October 1967, p. 1 (CB, No. 846)Google Scholar, report on Yenan middle school in Tientsin; NCNA, 5 November 1967 (CB, No. 846), report on primary and secondary schools in Shanghai; People's Daily, 21 11 1967 (CB, No. 846)Google Scholar, report from Peking Normal University; NCNA, 25 11 1967 (CB, No. 846); NCNA, 28 October 1968 (SCMP, No. 4291), report on Heilungkiang brigades.Google Scholar

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11 Ibid. 25 October 1968, p. 1, report from Liaoning.

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13 People's Daily, 28 10 1967, p. 1 (CB, No. 846), report from Yenan middle school in Tientsin.Google Scholar

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25 Translated in CB, No. 852, p. 99. Precise reference to it is found in a report on East China Normal University (KMJP, 5 July 1967, p. 2).Google Scholar

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28 March and April 1967 reports on educational revolution only refer to the Central Committee Draft Regulations, which raises doubts as to whether Mao's directive had been publicized as such. However, the most important passages are reproduced, without date, in the 16 May 1967 editorial of the People's Daily. Reference to it under the name of “March 7th directive,” with an allusion to the Tientsin Yenan middle school example, is found only in the People's Daily editorial of 25 10 1967. CB, No. 852 (6 May 1968), pp. 96–98 translates the March 7th directive and a circular of the Central Committee dated 8 March 1967, ordering the study of Mao's directive as well as another document called “Understanding of the Tientsin Yenan Middle School in realizing the Great Alliance and reorganizing consolidating and developing the Red Guards in the whole school, with the teaching class as the foundation,” which was reproduced below with the date 6 March 1967.Google Scholar

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31 For instance, KMJP, 11 07 1967, p. 2.Google Scholar

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33 See above, note 22.Google Scholar

34 The epithet “bourgeois” applies to features prevailing among the socio-economic group traditionally called “bourgeoisie.” It does not imply that all people belonging to this group by birth share all these characteristics (though most of them do more or less), neither that people from other groups may not be “bourgeois.”Google Scholar

35 For an interesting analysis of the distortion of “modernization,” by the revisionists, see the article by a group from the Education Ministry in KMJP, 20 07 1967, p. 3.Google Scholar

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37 This is the scheme of the Yenan middle school in Tientsin (see People's Daily, 28 10 1967, p. 1 (CB, No. 846))Google Scholar, and of the Peking Forestry Institute (see People's Daily, 22 11 1967, p. 2 (CB, No. 846))Google Scholar; though under the name of a “commune,” T'ung-chi University proposed a very similar type of strict organization (see People's Daily, 3 11 1967, p. 1 (CB, No. 846)).Google Scholar

38 People's Daily, 3 11 1967, p. 1 (CB, No. 846).Google Scholar

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40 For instance, KMJP, 28 12 1967, p. 3, in Chekiang schoolsGoogle Scholar; ibid. 13 January 1968, in Shih-ching-shan middle school in Peking; ibid. 14 May 1968, in Haitien schools near Peking.

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44 People's Daily, 22 07 1968, p. 1. Italics are mine.Google Scholar

45 The report on the Shanghai machine-tools plant was published also in the People's Daily, 22 07 1968.Google Scholar

46 In Peking the first workers' propaganda team had been sent to Ts'ing-hua University on 27 July 1968 (People's Daily, 29 January 1969, p. 1). By the end of August several scores had been dispatched to other schools in the capital (People's Daily, 27 August 1968, p. 1). In Canton, according to witnesses, the workers entered Sun Yat-sen University in July. On the opinion of the workers' teams about theoretical studies, see for instance, KMJP, 7 August 1969, p. 1; People's Daily, 14 April 1969, p. 4, from Tsitsihar city.Google Scholar

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49 For instance, People's Daily, 5 09 1968, p. 2Google Scholar; ibid. 23 October 1968, p. 2.

50 KMJP, 19 07 1969, p. 3, in Peking Normal University and Nankai University.Google Scholar

51 Actually the letter is dated 23 October 1968.Google Scholar

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53 Ibid.2 12 1968, p. 1, on a Shanghai primary school (CB, No. 870).Google Scholar

54 People's Daily, 10 12 1968, p. 2, in a letter from two Ts'ingtao teachers and an article from Shanghai K'ung-chiang middle school (CB, No. 870).Google Scholar

55 Ibid.10 12 1968, p. 2, article from K'ung-chiang middle school (CB, No. 870).Google Scholar

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57 People's Daily, 21 06 1969, p. 3, in an article from Huiyang district, Kwangtung (SCMP, No. 4450).Google Scholar

58 There is a debate about the advisability of teaching foreign languages. Some people have said that it is enough to train a few specialized interpreters (People's Daily, 24 06 1969, p. 3Google Scholar, letter from three fighters of the PLA; KMJP, 16 08 1969, p. 3, article from Heilungkiang University)Google Scholar. Others have written that foreign languages are very useful for scientific and revolutionary purposes and even that steps should be taken to spread them in the countryside (People's Daily, 24 06 1969, p. 3, from a workers' propaganda team stationed in Hangchow University; see also various articles on the subject in People's Daily, 18 and 21 June, 19 July, 16 August 1969).Google Scholar

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60 KMJP, 7 08 1969, p. 1.Google Scholar

61 But let me point out at once that in this particular context wen-hua applies to fields where a knowledge of reading and writing is necessary. One can master politics and Mao Tse-tung's thought without it.Google Scholar

62 This concern is voiced in a letter from two Ts'ingtao teachers and an article from a Shanghai middle school, People's Daily, 10 12 1968, p. 2.Google Scholar

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68 I.e., the Yenan middle school in Tientsin, T'ung-ch'i University in Shanghai, Ts'ao-ch'ang-ti middle school in Peking, which have been used as a kind of “test-schools” for carrying out the Cultural Revolution. As to Peking University, see Victor Nee, “The cultural revolution at Peking University,” Monthly Review (New York), Vol. XXI, No. 3 (0708 1969)Google Scholar; what happened there in 1966 is fairly well known but further developments which seem to have involved very fierce struggle are fairly obscure (see People's Daily, 16 09 1968, p. 3, and KMJP, 6 October 1969, p. 1, which reports the foundation of a revolutionary committee on 27 September).Google Scholar

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71 Ibid.28 07 1969, p. 3, in Peking No. 23 middle school.Google Scholar

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73 Red Flag, No. 2 (1969), p. 31Google Scholar; People's Daily, 28 07 1969, p. 3, in Peking No. 23 middle school.Google Scholar

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80 KMJP, 18 11 1968, p. 2Google Scholar; see also People's Daily, 19 05 1969, p. 3, on HonanGoogle Scholar; Red Flag, No. 5 (1968), pp. 4950 (SCMM, No. 638, pp. 1718); KMJP, 2 September 1968, p. 1; NCNA, 28 October 1968, on Heilungkiang schools.Google Scholar

81 From a reliable informer, who stated further that one of his relatives was thus learning English on top of the mountains near Yenan.Google Scholar

82 People's Daily, 21 07 1969, p. 4, in those Liaoning schools it was found unworkable and dropped.Google Scholar

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93 The above details are drawn from the official press. E.g., People's Daily, 15 05 1969, p. 3, from a commune near ShanghaiGoogle Scholar; ibid.21 06 1969, p. 3, from a Shantung districtGoogle Scholar; ibid.7 07 1969, p. 3, and 18 July 1969, p. 3, various articles; KMJP, 12 August 1969, p. 3, and 14 August 1969, p. 2.Google Scholar

94 KMJP, 18 07 1967, p. 3: Chairman Mao gave several directives just after the Spring Festival of 1965.Google Scholar

95 The min-pan concept and its applications are very well analysed by Mark Selden in his still unpublished thesis, People's War and the Revolutionary Transformation of Chinese Society. The Yenan Way (Yale University), on the schools (see Chapter 6, pp. 73–81); see also his article, Yenan Legacy: the Mass Line, in Barnett, A. Doak (ed.), Chinese Communist Politics in Action (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1969), pp. 145148.Google Scholar

96 Red Flag, No. 2 (1969), pp. 2324.Google Scholar

97 Significant with regard to the charges against elites and elitism are the KMJP editorials of 15 and 23 07 1968, also the articles on p. 2 in the latter issueGoogle Scholar