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Domestic Constraints on West German Ostpolitik: The Role of the Expellee Organizations in the Adenauer Era

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Extract

TheOstpolitik of the early Federal Republic presents a puzzle: why did West Germany—a country that consistently denounced the brutal Eastern policies of the Third Reich and sought to present itself as a new, peace-loving entity—refuse to normalize its relations with most East European countries until the early 1970s? The existing literature has explained Bonn's behavior primarily with reference to foreign policy calculations, such as the need to isolate the GDR and its satellite allies and to avoid granting unilateral concessions to the Soviet bloc. Although such Staatsräson considerations were very significant for the Federal Republic's policymakers, they do not tell the whole story. Movement on Eastern policy was also significantly hindered by domestic factors, the most important of which was the influence of the Vertriebenenverbände—the pressure organizations purporting to represent the millions of Germans expelled from Eastern Europe in the aftermath of World War II. The role of these organizations has typically received passing reference in general studies of Ostpolitik, but the specialized literature on the topic has remained weak.

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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1998

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References

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80. For this March 1958 quote, see Stehle, Hans-Jakob, “Adenauer, Polen und die deutsche Frage,” in Adenauer, ed. Foschepoth, , 89.Google Scholar See also Brentano's comments to Couve de Murville on 19 10 1957, as reported in Documents diplomatiques francais 1957/2 (Paris, 1991), 563.Google Scholar

81. See, respectively, the “Kurzprotokoll des aussenpolitischen Ausschusses,” 28 April 1955, AdsD: PV, Neuer Bestand, 2868; and the “Sitzung des Parteivorstandes am 8. u. 9. Februar 1957,” AdsD: PV-Protokolle, 1957, 16.Google Scholar

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86. See, for example, the following reports of meetings: Anton Wuschek to Rudolf Lodgman, 3 December 1952, SDA: NL Lodgman, XI/9; and Hans Stephan, “Betr: Tagung der Landsmannschaften mit dem Amt Blank und dem MdB Kiesinger,” 17 March 1955, AdsD: SPD-PV, 04335.Google Scholar

87. See, for example, the account of Adenauer's behavior before and during the November 1951 Paris Foreign Minister's Conference, in Foschepoth, Josef, “Potsdam und danach: Die Westmächte, Adenauer und die Vertriebenen,” in Die Vertreibung, ed. Benz, , 105–10.Google Scholar

88. On the widespread interest, see Gotto, Klaus et al. , eds., Im Zentrum der Macht: Das Tagebuch von Staatssekretär Lenz 1951–1953 (Düsseldorf, 1989), 136–38. The Adenauer statement came in a Berlin speech on 6 October. The quote is from Keesing's Archiv der Gegenwart 1951 (Essen, 1951), 3146.Google Scholar

89. See Lemmer's, Ernst comments of 29 10 1951, as reported in Foreign Relations of the United States 1951 (Washington, D.C., 1981), vol. 3/2, 1804.Google Scholar

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92. Wenzel Jaksch's “Antrag an den Parteivorstand, Entwurf Wenzel Jaksch,” December 1957, AdsD: SPD PV, 820.Google Scholar

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99. Brentano to Adenauer, 23 September 1958, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 250.Google Scholar

100. On the failure of the PR efforts, see: the Foreign Office memorandum “Betr: Besprechung mit dem Bundestagsabgeordneten Baron Manteuffel-Szoege,” 26 June 1955, PA/AA: Abt. 7, 292; von Kessel to the Auswärtiges Amt, 20 September 1957, PA/AA: NL Albrecht von Kessel, 89; and von Eckard to Adenauer, 17 August 1959, StBKAH: III/24.Google Scholar

101. See, for example, Körner, Klaus, “Die alliierten Deutschlandkonferenzen,” in Schwarz, Hans-Peter, ed., Handbuch der deutschen Aussenpolitik (Munich, 1975), 584; and Kosthorst, Brentano, 306–7.Google Scholar

102. President Hans Krüger's address to the BdV's Bundesversammlung on 14 February 1960, reprinted in Deutscher Ostdienst, 22 February 1960.Google Scholar

103. See the notes of a discussion between Ministerialdirektor Herbert Dittmann of the Foreign Office and BdV President Krüger, 9 April 1959, PA/AA: Büro Staatsekretär, 299a.Google Scholar

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105. See Hans Globke, to Albert Hilger van Scherpenberg, 4 March 1959; and van Scherpenberg to Globke, 12 March 1959, BA: B 136/6204.Google Scholar

106. Brentano to Hans Krüger, 20 April 1959, SDA: NL Lodgman, XXIV-41.02.Google Scholar

107. On the subsidy, see “Aufzeichnung, Betr: Teilnahme des BdV-Vereinigte Landsmannschaften und Landesverbände an der bevorstehenden Genfer Konferenz,” by Dr. Janz of the Chancellor's Office, 2 May 1959, BA: B 136/6204. On Brentano's attitude, see “Oder-Neisse Grenze: Anständige Staatsgesinnung,” Der Spiegel, 13 May 1959, 14.Google Scholar

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109. The text is in Die Auswärtige Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Cologne, 1972), 408–10.Google Scholar

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111. On American pressure, see, for example, Albrecht von Kessel's Memorandum “Abschlusseines Nichtangriffspakts mit Polen,” 27 May 1959, PA/AA: Ministerbüro, 128. For de Gaulle's famous comments, see his 25 March 1959 press conference in DzD IV/17/2, 1268.Google Scholar

112. Albecht von Kessel, “Abschluss eines Nichtangriffspakts mit Polen,” PA/AA: Ministerbüro, 128; and Baring, Sehr verehrter, 253.Google Scholar

113. See Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 271; and Brentano to Ernst Lemmer, 21 August 1959, BA: NL Thedieck, 144.Google Scholar

114. Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 270.Google Scholar

115. On the attitude of the Allies, see ibid,; and Brentano to Ernst Lemmer, 21 August 1959, BA: NL Thedieck, 144. On the exclusion of the two ministries, see Franz Thedieck to Brentano, 18 August 1959, ACDP: I-148–173/1.

116. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (hereafter FAZ), 1/2 May 1959, 1, 4.Google Scholar

117. See “Bonn Plans No-War Pacts with the Poles and Czechs,” New York Times, 21 May 1959; and Herbert Dittmann's information telegram, 23 May 1959, BA:NL Blankenhorn, 98b, p. 154.Google Scholar

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119. On the BdV's reactions, see Karl Simon to Rudolf Lodgman von Auen, 3 June 1959 and 12 June 1959, both in SDA: NL Lodgman, XII-30.01.Google Scholar

120. “Taktik des Westens im zweiten Konferenzabschnitt,” a memorandum attached to Brentano's letter to Adenauer, 10 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 264–68.Google Scholar

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122. See Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 270.Google Scholar

123. Brentano to Adenauer, 10 July 1959, in ibid., 265.

124. See “Auszüge aus dem Tagebuch zur Genfer Konferenz,” 17 and 18 July, PA/AA: Ministerbüro, 124; and Brentano to Hans Krüger, 21 September 1959, PA/AA: Ministerbüro, 124.Google Scholar

125. Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 270–71.Google Scholar

126. See Axel de Vries to von Doetinchem, 18 July 1959, SDA: NL Lodgman, XII-30.01.Google Scholar

127. The quote is from Baron Georg Manteuffel-Szoege to Adenauer, 20 July 1959, ACDP: I-148–173/01. See also Karl Simon to Rudolf Lodgman von Auen, 23 July 1959, SDA: NL Lodgman, XII-30.01; and Manteuffel to W. Rumbaur, 25 November 1959, BA:B 234/282.Google Scholar

128. See Baron Georg Manteuffel-Szoege to Hermann Höcherl, 20 July 1959 and Karl Theoder Freiherr von und zu Guttenberg to Manteuffel-Szoege, 24 July 1959, both in BA: NL Guttenberg, 175, pp. 131 and 130, respectively.Google Scholar

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130. Hans Joachim von Merkatz's notes of the 22 July session in ACDP: I-148–041/02.Google Scholar

131. Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 271.Google Scholar

132. “Nichtangriffspakte?” Bulletin, 31 July 1959, 1395. See also “Bonn zu Nichtangriffspakten grundsätzlich bereit,” FAZ, 1 August 1959.Google Scholar

133. “Brentano holt sich beim Kanzler neue Instruktionen,” FAZ, 23 July 1959.Google Scholar

134. “Genfer Aussichten: Alles selber,” Der Spiegel, 29 July 1959, 16.Google Scholar

135. “Nichtangriffsverträge mit Warschau und Prag,” FAZ, 31 July 1959; “CDU-Stimmen für aktive Ostpolitik,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, 9 October 1959.Google Scholar

136. See von Merkatz's notes of the 22 July meeting, in ACDP: I-148–041/02.Google Scholar

137. See, for example Ernst Lemmer in the cabinet on 22 July, as cited by Merkatz (see the previous note); Lemmer to Axel Springer, 16 August 1959, BA:NL Thedieck, 144; and Franz Thedieck to Hilger van Scherpenberg, 18 August 1959, ACDP: I-148–173/1.Google Scholar

138. The quote is from Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 270.Google Scholar

139. On the Soviet ultimatum, see Kosthorst, Brentano, 292.Google Scholar

140. The Warsaw Declaration of 22 July, in which Poland and the USSR stressed their willingness to back the GDR's claims against West Berlin, featured prominently in Bonn's subsequent justifications of its stance, although the declaration had not even been released by the time the cabinet decided about the nonaggression measure.Google Scholar

141. Hans-Joachim von Merkatz's notes of the meeting, ACDP: I-148–041/02.Google Scholar

142. Hans Furler's notes of a conversation with Adenauer, 20 August 1959, BA: NL Furler, 98.Google Scholar

143. Adenauer in the CDU's Bundesvorstand, 16 September 1959, in Adenauer: “…um den Frieden zu gewinnen,” ed. Buchstab, 393.Google Scholar

144. On the SPD, see Adenauer in the CDU's Bundestagsfraktion, 16 March 1959, in “Protokoll der Vorstandssitzung der Bundestagsfraktion der CDU,” ACDP: VIII-001-A/I, 1503/2. For the quotes, see Adenauer in the CDU's Bundesvorstand, 16 September 1959, in Adenauer:“…um den Frieden zu gewinnen,” ed. Buchstab, 394.Google Scholar

145. For the quotes, see, respectively, Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 271; and Kosthorst, Brentano, 304. For other signs of opposition, see Felix von Eckardt to Adenauer, 17 August 1959, StBKAH: III/24.Google Scholar

146. On Brentano's interest in reviving the nonaggression initiative, see Brentano to Adenauer, 23 July 1959, in Baring, Sehr verehrter, 272.Google Scholar