^{page vi note a} Appended to Grafton's Chronicle will be found a table constructed for the express purpose of meeting the difficulties which arose from the mode of reckoning above described. It is entitled “A Table declaring the reignes of everie King of this realme sithen the conquest, and the yeares of our Lorde and monethes and dayes of their beginning, and also the names and surnames of all the Maiors and Shirifes of London, with the yere and daye of their entrance into their charge.” For every year this table presents four dates : 1. the commencement of the year of our Lord, which was the 25th March ; 2. that of the King's accession, as the case might be; 3. that of the entrance into office of the Bailiffs and Sheriffs, which was the 28th September ; and 4. that of the entrance into office of the Mayor, the 28th October. It extends from A.D. 1189 to 1568.

^{page vii note a} The following List of London Chronicles may be found useful:

page vii note 1 [In Latin.] Liber de Antiquis Legibus : extending from 1189 to 1274. Printed for the Camden Society, 1846.

page vii note 2 [In French.] The French Chronicle of London : from 1259 to 1343. Printed for the Camden Society, 1844.

page vii note 3 [In Latin.] The MS. Harl. 5444 : from 1195 to 1316.

page vii note 4 [In English.] The MS. Arundel XIX. in the College of Arms: from 1189 to 1451. It is prepared in blank to last to 1475, and there are some additions, but of little importance, down to 1522. (See the preface to the French Chronicle of London, p. ii.)

page vii note 5 [In English.] The Chronicle of London, edited by Sir Harris Nicolas, in 4to. 1827, from the MS. Harl. 565, and MS. Cotton. Julius, B. I. extending from 1188 to 1483.—Another MS., but with considerable variations, which was unknown to Sir Harris Nicolas, is preserved in the MS. Cotton. Cleopatra, C. iv. ff. 21—61. It commences with the expedition to Harfleur in 1415, and terminates, like the MS. Harl. 565, in 1443.

page vii note 6 A Tablet which hung at the tomb of the Duke of Lancaster in St. Paul's cathedral, contained a brief chronicle in Latin and English. See this printed in the same volume, pp. 174—187, and from the same MS. It extends to the coronation of Henry VI. at Paris in 1432.

page vii note 7 Arnold's Chronicle : from 1189 to 1520. The greater part of this book consists of charters, bulls, ordinances, and formularies for legal documents. It was reprinted, under the editorship of Dr. Dibdin, in 4to. 1811, with this title : “The Customs of London, otherwise called Arnold's Chronicle; containing, among divers other matters, the original of the celebrated Poem of The Nut-Brown Maid. Reprinted from the First Edition, with the additions included in the Second.”

page vii note 8 Fabyan's Chronicle : from the earliest times to the year 1516; and continued in subsequent editions to 1533, to 1542, and to 1559. Reprinted in 1811, 4to. edited by Sir Henry Ellis.

^{page viii note a} Stowe has written the word “falce ”against the passage stating the poisoning of king John in fol. 337 b. At the foot of fol. 343 is written in Stowe's hand:—

“John Brian shrive [see p. 14 of the present volume] was drownyd by seint Katheryns mylle. Reg. 6.”

Another of his corrections is described in the note at p. 15.

He names the “Reg. of the Gray Fryers”as his authority for the story of lady Hungerford. (Chronicle, edit. 1631, p. 517.)

^{page ix note a} This designation was adopted in token of their deep humility : Fuller supposed in allusion to Jacob's words in Gen. xxxii. 10, Sum Minor omnibus lenefidis tuis. —Church Hist. vi. 270.

^{page x note a} Among the other numerous errors of Mr. Stevens in his Supplementary Monasticon (adverted to hereafter) is a misprint, p. 112, of “1224 ” for 1226, as the date of the death of Saint Francis.

^{page x note b} After Walter Hervy, who was mayor of London at the accession of Edward I., there were only three mayors during the thirty-five years of his reign. Walter Hervy had been elected by the citizens in the last year of Henry III. (see the French Chronicle of London, p. 11), but for some time after the chief magistrate was elected by the aldermen only, and the office became in consequence almost perpetual. Henry Waleys was Hervy's successor for one year ; then Gregory de Rokesley (presently mentioned in the text) for seven years; and then Waleys for four years ; after which the king seized the liberties of the city into his own hands, and appointed a custos or warden, who continued for twelve years. Waleya was then reappointed, and died mayor in 1302 ; after which Sir John le Blount was mayor during the six remaining years of Edward's reign. It is very possible that Waleys and Rokesley had the credit of erecting the buildings of the Grey Friars, not because they were done at their personal expense, but by contributions of the citizens under their patronage and superintendence. Waleys was apparently an equal or greater benefactor to the house of Franciscan Sisters without Aldgate, in whose chapel his bones were laid to rest. See the note upon him in the French Chronicle of London, p. 12.

^{page xi note a} Rokesley was buried in the church of the Grey Friars ; but a perpetual chantry for the repose of his soul was established in the church of St. Mary Woolnoth. See the note, ibid. p. 20.

^{page xi note b} The chapter of the Register from which these particulars are abstracted may be transcribed as a specimen of this very curious record :—

Priina fnndado ecclesice Fratrwm Minorwm London.

In primis Capellam, quæ postmodum facta est magna pars Chori, construxit eis dominus Willielmus Joyner, et ad alias domos construendas donavit per vices expensas .cc. libras sterlingorum.

Navem ecclesiæ construxit magnis sumptibus dominus Henricus de Galis [i.e. Waleys], maior London, et per multos annos redditus quos fratres solvebant diversis domibus alicorum religiosorum redemit, et fratres de illis redditibus deoneravit; cujus memoria in benedictione sit eterna. Amen.

Capitulum eis construxit dominus Walterus le potter, civis et aldermanus London, et omnia vasa erea pro coquina, infirmaria, et aliis officinis necessaria eciam donavit.

Vestibulum constructum est de bonis communibus. [This was a slip of the writer's pen,for it was against the rule of his order to claim any property whatever, so lie added, elimosinis scilicet, and made this insertion, Frater Thomas Feltham istud elongavit et multipliciter adornavit armariis tarn inferius quam superius. Et aquaductum de pissina communis lavatorii illud L. illuc] adduxit, [et] multa utilia a[lia] procuravit. Stevens has mistranslated this, “and brought thither the Aqueduct of most pure Water for the common Washing,” instead of, “And he brought thither a water-pipe from the cistern of the Common Lavatory,” which was in the Cloister, as is stated more precisely afterwards. In the letters patent of 38 Hen. VIII. it is described as “unum lavacrum cupri duplicatum cum plumbo continentem per estimationem in longitudine oetodecim acras et in profunditate duos pedea et dimidium.”

Dormitorium totum cum lectis et cameris necessariis construxit dominus Gregorius de Rokysley maior Londinensis.

Refectorium construxit dominus Bartholomew de Castro civis Londinensis, et pavit semper fratres in die sancti Bartholomei.

Altaeia vero quæ se extendunt in Iongum versus austrum constructa fuerunt de diversis communibus elimosinis. Sed dominus Henricus de Galeys dedit meremeum, cujus memoria in benedictione sit. Amen. Stevens apparently misread meremeum (the timber) as incrementum, for he has translated it “the Improvement.”

Infirmariam construxit pro magna parte Petrus de Helyland, dando ad ejus constructionem .c. libras sterlingorum.

Studia pro magna parte constructa fuerunt de bonis Bonde Regis heraldorum. Le roi de heraus. Stevens misread the latter words Henry Heruns. The party is a Icing of the heralds not mentioned in Noble's History of the College of Arms, Stowe calls him Bevis Bond, I suspect from misreading the words bonis Bonde, which are both in red ink, like other proper names in the MS. Mr. Trollope (p. 8) has altered Bevis to Roger, I do not know whether on any authority.

Aqueduotum eonstruxerunt infra scripti. In primis caput aqueductus contulit Willielmus Taylour, sartor domini Henrici registercii post conquestum, ad instaneiam fratris Willielmi de Basynges, qui totum aqueductum procuravit et usque ad finem complevit. Set expensas sive sumptus administraverunt felicis recordationis dominus Henricus rex Angliæ illustris supramemoratus, Salekynus de Basynge optimæ indolis adolescens, dominus Henricus de Frowyke, et dominus Henricus de Basynges milites. Isti fuerunt cooperatores et coadjutores præcipui. Et postea frater Gralfridus de Camera novam domum in seeundo capite construxit et antiquam melioravit, et omnes defectus notabiles investigavit et eorrexit, et multa bona pro eodem procuravit et fecit; cujus adjutores præeipui fuerunt Alanus Gille cum consorte sua civis Lond', dominus Henricus Darcy qui dedit .c. solidos pro cistrina de bonis, Johannes Tryple eciam coadjuvantes opus compleverunt. Pro cujus eciam anima fratres minores habuerunt Londini omnibus computatis .c. et x li. et xvij s. v d. q^a. Cujus animae propicietur Deus. Amen. Though these latter clauses are not very clear, it would seem that the rents, amounting to 110l. 17s. 5¼d. were wholly derived from the benefactions of John Tryple, or from his goods after death, for the true reading is very probably de bonis Johannis Tryple. Stevens, however, has given a very different version : “The Friars Minors had at London, all Things computed, 110l. 17s. 5¼d., to whose Souls God be merciful, Amen.”

[Next follows, “Ut sciatur posicio canalium aqueductus fratrum Minorum Lond’ ”—a very curious description. The main channel or pipe is traced under Newgate, through the rivulet at Holborn-bridge, up Leather-lane (“Liwrone-lane”) , and so to the conduit-heads in the fields. Having a vacant page, I have appended this to the Preface, at p. xxxiv.

Postmodum autem frater Thomas de Feltham de pissina comnumis lavacri in claustro lavatorium ad vestibulum advexit, et multa bona in vestibulo expendit anno domini M¹.cc. (blank). Item anno domini 1422° renovata sunt lavacra in claustro, cum deposito fratris Roberti Yongge. Summa expensarum 27 li. 9 s. 1 d. ob.

Dispensam Hospitum cum cameris versus Infirmariam procuravit frater Ricardus Knotte, et multa alia bona habuerunt fratres de procuratione ejus a Willielmo Albone.

ScolÆ cum Locutorio dispensa, cum cameris, et alia edificia necessaria constructa sunt de bonis communibus sicut fieri poterant, quia parva erant omnia et non multum sumptuosa; et in hiis morabantur fratres usque ad annum domini 136°. Tempore vero prædicto multum crevit erga fratres et conventum devotio et affectio fidelium, et secundum earn consequenter crevit fratrum numerosa multitudo in tantum quod aliquando centum, aliquando plures, et raro pauciores conventuales fratres London’ habebantur. Et loca constructa quæ pro paucis sufficiebant postea tam multis sumcere non poterant, et idcirco nova et ampliora fideles inceperunt ipsis construere prout inferius declaratur. &c. &c

^{page xiii note a} Descriptio longitudinis et latitudinis ecclesios et altitudinis supradictœ. In primis continet ecclesia in longitudine ccc. pedum de pedibus Sancti Pauli. Item in latitudine iiij^xxix. pedum de pedibus Sancti Pauli. Item in altitudine a terra usque ad tectum lxiiij. pedum de pedibus Sancti Pauli. Et ut patet omnes columpnas et [l. sunt] de marmore et totum pavimentum de marmore. (Register, fol. 325 b.) Malcolm says of the present Christ church that “the pavement is partially composed of coarse red marble, which is evidently part of that of the old church of the Grey Friars.” Londinium Redivivum, iii. 345.

^{page xiii note b} A notice of this occurs in the French Chronicle of London, p. 87.

^{page xiv note a} De fundacione librariœ. Anno domini M°. cccc°. xxj°. venerabilis vir Ricardus Wyttyngton mercer et maior Lond’ incepit novam librariam, posuitque primum lapidem fundalem xxj°. die Octobris, in festo sancti Hillarionis abbatis. Et anno sequente ante festum Nativitatis Christi fuit domus errata (erecta ? ) et cooperta. Et in tribus annis sequentibus fuit terrata (i.e. floored), dealbata, vitrata, ambonibus, scannis (l. scamnis) et cellatura ornata (i.e. furnished with desks, settles, and wainscoting or ceiling; not, as Stevens makes it, “shelves, statues, and carving.”) Et libris instaurata. Et expensæ factæ circa prædicta se extendunt ad ccccc.lvj. li. 16 s. 8 d. de qua summa solvit prædictus Ricardus Whyttyngton cccc. li. et residuum solvit Reverendus pater frater Thomas Wynchelsey et amici sui: quorum animabus propicietur Deus. Amen. Stowe has amplified this description of Whittington's IAbrary by stating that it was “129 foot in length and 31 in breadth, all wainscoted about, having twenty-eight desks, and eight double settles of wainscot.” The admeasurements were probably his own taking: the desks and double settles, and books on the desks, are enumerated in king Henry's letters patent.

Item pro scripto doctoris De lira in 2^bus volu^bus jacente jam in cathenis c. marcas, de quibus frater Johannes Frensche remisit 20s.

Item pro 4^or.archangelis circa sepulturam Reginæ Isabellæ, 37s. Item pro lectura domini Hostiensis jam jacentis in cathenis, 5 marcas. (fol. 325, b.)

^{page xiv note b} P. 3.

^{page xiv note c} P. 15.

^{page xiv note d} P. 20.

^{page xiv note e} P. 26.

^{page xiv note f} Compare the three several statements in pp. 27, 28, and the note.

^{page xv note a} P. 29.

^{page xv note b} P. 31.

^{page xv note c} Pp. 31, 32.

^{page xv note d} P. 33.

^{page xv note e} P. 34.

^{page xv note f} See pp. 37, 38.

^{page xv note g} P. 37.

^{page xv note h} P. 41.

^{page xvi note a} It is, however, to be remarked that the surrenders of the Franciscans of Coventry and of Stamford contain precisely the same expressions ; see Puller's History of Abbeys, p. 319, Stevens's Monasticon, i. 139, 157, or the new Monasticon, vi. 1514, 1534. It may, therefore, be concluded that they were generally adopted through the fraternity.

^{page xvi note b} See this letter in Malcolm's Londinium Redivivum, vol. iii. p. 330 ; and, with the deed of surrender, in Trollope's History of Christ's Hospital.

^{page xvi note c} P. 48.

^{page xvii note a} From an entry in the parish books of Christ Church seen by Malcolm it appears that, when the property was transferred to the city, there were 600 ounces of plate in the sacristy valued at 150l,, copes, vestments and other ornaments estimated at 200l., the bells 100l., the altars, chapels, stones, pews, iron, &c. 50l, the church itself, the lead, timber, and soil thereof, 300l.—total 800l.; and the lands belonging to it were valued at l. 16s. per ann.—Lond. Red. iii. 334.

^{page xix note a} Both these documents are printed at length in Trollope's History of Christ's Hospital, 1834, 4to. Appendix, Nos. I. and II.

^{page xix note b} See p. 53.

^{page xx note a} See p. 54.

^{page xx note b} The “west church,” or nave, was afterwards rented to Henry Bolton, a schoolmaster, for 10s. per ann. See this and other particulars respecting the state of the church in Elizabeth's reign in Malcolm, iii. 333.

^{page xx note c} See p. 55.

^{page xx note d} From Weever's statement of this transaction it might be understood that it took place in 1545; for he says they were sold “by Sir Martin Bowes, Maior of London, An. 1545.” Sir Martin was mayor in 1545 : but Stowe's statement is that they were sold by Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith and alderman of London ; who evidently derived his authority to sell them, not as mayor, but in some other way. He was under-treasurer of the royal mint, and probably a commissioner for the sale of church property. The city might therefore employ him as a man of experience in such transactions It is asserted in Knight's London, vol. ii. 334, that Sir Martin “caused himself to be buried where he had set so bad a precedent;” but this is one of many errors in the article in that work on Christ's Hospital. Sir Martin Bowes was buried at St. Mary's Woolnoth.

^{page xx note e} Stowo's Survay.

^{page xxi note a} The Queens were, Margaret consort of Edward the First; Isabella consort of Edward the Second; Joan queen of Scots, daughter of Edward the Second; and Isabella queen of Man. Besides these the church had received the heart of a fifth queen, Alianor consort of Henry the Third, and also the heart of king Edward the Second, which was deposited under the breast of his queen's effigy. The Duchesses were but two : Beatrice duchess of Britany, daughter of king Henry III., and Alianor duchess of Buckingham, 1530 ; the Duke was the captive duke of Bourbon ; the Earls were John Hastings earl of Pembroke, 1389, and Stowe adds the name of Roger Mortimer earl of March, beheaded in 1329, but which is not in the register ; the Countesses were Margaret de Rivers countess of Devon, Margaret Marshal countess of Norfolk, 1389, (erroneously called a duchess by Stowe,) Isabella countess of Bedford, daughter of king Edward I.; and the lady reckoned by Weever as a fourth was probably Elizabeth lady Neville, mother of Ralph earl of Westmerland. It is, however, uncertain whether there was not also a countess of Menteith.

^{page xxii note a} Stowe, in his Survay, has enumerated the principal names, but his list is full of clerical errors.—During the excavations made on the site of the church of the Grey Friars about the year 1834, were found two ancient inscribed gravestones, which are not ineluded among those catalogued in the Register. They commemorate Philip de Srepham, or Shropham, a monk of Ely, and Bernart de Jambe, probably one of the Italian merchants, of whom many were here interred. Etchings of these gravestones, which are preserved in the burial-ground of Christ church, have been made by Mr. E. B. Price, F.S.A.

^{page xxii note a} History of Christ's Hospital, by the Rev. William Trollope, 1834, 4to. pp. 30, 34.

^{page xxiii note a} “The ordre of the Hospital of S. Bartholomewes in West-Smythfielde in London” is a curious little 12mo. volume of 70 leaves, printed “Londini. Anno 1552”—before the institution of the other city hospitals. It may be seen in the City Library at Guildhall.

^{page xxiii note b} Stowe's Chronicle.

^{page xxiii note c} The bishop's letter is printed in Strype's Stowe, fol. 1720, vol. i. p, 176, and in Trollope's Christ's Hospital, p. 37. At the same time the city presented a memorial to the privy council “to sue for the king's majesty's house at Bridewell,” and unfolding the scheme of their proposed charities, which will be found in Malcolm's Londinium, ii. 554.

^{page xxiv note a} The same picture was graphically drawn by Thomas Lever, Master of St. John's college, in Cambridge, when he preached before the king on the fourth Sunday in Lent in 1550 : “O merciful Lord ! (he exclaimed) what a number of poor, feeble, halt, blind, lame, sickly,—yea, with idle vagabonds and dissembling caitiffs mixt among them, lye and creep, begging in the miry streets of London and Westminster !” It was not until the end of Elizabeth's reign, as is well known, that the parochial system of relief to the poor became the law of the land.

^{page xxiv note b} Stowe's Chronicle.

^{page xxiv note c} Ibid. An early account of the moneys collected is printed by Strype in his edition of Stowe's Survey, 1720, vol. i. p. 175, from the MSS. of archbishop Parker. The “whole Benevolence” of the citizens had amounted to 2,476l.; and the erection and furniture of the two houses (that is, St. Thomas and Christ's Hospitals) had been 2.479l. 10s. 10d.

^{page xxv note a} Stowe: see also the present Chronicle, p. 76.

^{page xxv note b} At the following Easter, Stowe described the boys as “all cloathed in plonket eoates and red caps, and the mayden children in the same livery. ” Plonket was a blue colour: as Stowe himself explains this passage in his Survay— “and in Easter next they were in blue at the Spittle, and so have continued ever since.”

^{page xxv note c} Stowe; the present Chronicle, p. 76; and Machyn's Diary, p. 28.

^{page xxv note d} The excuse made for discontinuing the hospital at the Savoy was that, though intended for the lodging of. pilgrims and strangers, it “was now made but a lodging of loyterers, vagabondes, and strumpets that lay all day in the fieldes, and at night were harbored there; the which was rather the maintenaunce of beggery than the reliefe of the poore.” Grafton's Chronicle.

^{page xxvi note a} Printed at length in Trollope's History of Christ's Hospital, Appendix No. V.

^{page xxvii note a} Graf ton.

^{page xxvii note b} So long before as the mayoralty of Sir Richard Gresham in 1537–8, the year of king Edward's birth, the city had petitioned king Henry to have assigned to them the disposition and governance of the “iii. hospitalls or spytalls, commonly called Seynt Maryes Spytall, Seynt Barthilmewes Spytall, and Seynt Thomas Spytall, and the New Abbey of Tower-hill, founded of good devotion by ancient fathers, and endowed with great possessions and rentes, onely for the reliffe, comforte, and helpyng of the pore and impotent people, not beynge able to helpe themsellfes.”—See this letter in Strype's Eecles. Memorials, i. 265; Trollope's Christ Hospital, p. 26; or Burgon's Life of Gresham, i. 26. By Trollope, “Seynt Maryes spytall” is misprinted “Seynt Georges.” St. Mary's spital was without Bishopsgate, and at its surrender had nine-score beds, well furnished for receipt of poor people. (Stowe's Survay.)

^{page xxviii note a} History of Christ's Hospital, p. 41.

^{page xxviii note b} The blue-coat boys, it seems, indulge in some very amusing speculations on their now obsolete costume. “It has been imagined that the coat was the mantle, and the yellow, as it is technically called, the sleeveless tunic of the monastery; the leathern girdle also corresponding with the hempen cord of the friar. There is an old tradition among the boys, that the dress was originally of velvet, fastened with silver buttons, and an exact facsimile of the ordinary habit of their royal founder.” —History of Christ's Hospital, p. 50.

^{page xxix note a} This picture is usually attributed to Holbein, but in error. It is an amplification of Holbein's picture of the same subject, which is at Bridewell hospital. That picture contains only eleven figures, including the painter himself; the picture at Christ's hospital has ninety or more, and not only is it very inferior as a work of art, but obviously of posterior date in point of costume.

Holbein's picture at Bridewell, which must have been painted shortly before his death (if that event, as is generally supposed, occurred in London in 1554), is a highly valuable one, and a worthy companion to that which he painted for the Barber-Chirurgeons, representing their receiving their charter from Henry VIII. in 1541. The king is seated under a canopy of state, and delivers the charter with the great seal attached to the lord mayor, who with the two sheriffs kneels to his right hand. Behind them stand the lord chancellor (bishop Goodrich) and another attendant. To the left stand—a person in a laced gown, holding a roll in his hand, and supposed to be sir Robert Bowes the master of the rolls; and a nobleman wearing the garter, said to be the earl of Pembroke [but on what authority I do not know. One would rather imagine he might be the duke of Northumberland great master of the household, or lord Darcy the lord chamberlain.] Behind these are two other persons, undistinguished by their costume; and, next the edge of the picture, Holbein himself. A large engraving was made of this picture by Vertue in the year 1750.

The picture at Christ's hospital is derived from Holbein's so far as the principal figures go. The number of aldermen kneeling to the right is increased to eight; and to the left are bishop Ridley and three others also kneeling. In the background the governors of the hospital are standing with their wands, to the number of about forty. Besides these, a boy and girl of the hospital are kneeling before the king, and fourteen others of either sex are ranged in couples along the front of the picture, the rows being terminated by a beadle and a matron. .This picture is very neatly engraved on a small scale by Mr. Augustus Fox, as the frontispiece to Mr. Trollope's History of Christ's Hospital. Its demerits are criticised “with candour” by Malcolm, who says the king's figure, though insignificant from its small size, is the only one whose attitude is easy, natural, and dignified. This is obviously because it is more faithfully copied than the rest from the Bridewell picture. Malcolm, however, had no suspicion that the picture at Christ's Hospital was not actually Holbein's work. My own impression is that it is of the period of James I. or Charles I.

There is also in the hall of Christ's Hospital a correspondent but still larger picture, in which king Charles the Second appears as the principal personage. This was painted by Verrio, chiefly at the instigation of Mr. Pepys. (Trollope, p. 124.)

^{page xxx note a} London, edited by Charles Knight, 1842, 8vo. vol. ii. p. 334. An expression of opinion follows that the scene is a real representation of the old palace at Westminster.

^{page xxx note b} King Henry's grant had limited the amount in the same place to one thousand marks.

^{page xxx note c} After which foundation established, adds Grafton, “he lived not above two days.” This is probably a misprint for ten days. Edward lived exactly ten days after the date of the letters patent; but it would be to some earlier stage of the business that the anecdote (if literally true) would belong. It appears that the letters patent were preceded by an indenture between the King and the City, as in the case of the former royal grant. This indenture escaped the researches of Mr. Trollope ; but Strype says it bore date in June, and he has given an abstract of it, from the register of the privy council, in his amplification of Stowe's Survey, (edit. 1720,) vol. i. p. 177 ; and also in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. i. 425.

^{page xxx note d} Trollope, p. 105.

^{page xxx note e} Mr. Trollope's print, opposite p. 105, represents them restored.

^{page xxxi note a} The shield of Whittington, within a quatrefoil, was inserted in various parts of this building. One of these carved stones is now in the museum of Mr. E. B. Price, F.S.A. and is represented in the etching at the end of this Preface.

^{page xxxi note b} In the New Monasticon, vol. vii. p. 1514, it is erroneously described as being “on vellum.”

^{page xxxi note c} As already given in the notes, pp. xi.–xiii.

^{page xxxi note d} See p. xiv.

^{page xxxii note a} These are the names of the four friars who first brought the rule of Saint Francis to London (as before mentioned in p. x.): Richard Yngworth an English priest and preacher, Richard of Devonshire an English clerk of the order of acolytes and in age a youth, Henry of Treviso a Lombard and a layman, and Monacatus also a layman. The two former went on to Oxford, and founded the house of Franciscans there and also that at Northampton. See anecdotes of their adventures on their journey in the Monasticon under the Oxford house; only there the younger friar is called Henry of Devon.

^{page xxxiii note a} This and some others of Stevens's errors are followed in the introductory chapter of The History of Christ's Hospital, by the Rev. William Trollope (4to. 1834), who quoted the Cottonian Manuscript without inspecting it. The New Monasticon has changed the name of Iwyn into Edwin, and Malcolm has converted it into Swen.

^{page xxxiv note a} Sic in orig. The next word is partly burnt off. Stevens has translated the passage “I hired.” Stowe did not transcribe it.