^{page 389 note 1} von Le Coq, A., ‘Ein christliches und ein manichäisches Manuskriptfragment in turkischer Sprache aus Turfan (Chinesisch-Turkistan)’, Sitzungsberichte der Berl. Akad. der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1909, No. XLVIII, 1202–11;Google Scholar Bang, W., ‘Maniehäische Erzähler’, Le Museon, XLIV, 1931, 7–12.Google Scholar This text was overlooked by the late Peeters, Father P. when he belittled the value of the Manichsean evidence (see Analecta Bollandiana, XLIX, 1931, 290–1)Google Scholar; the same oversight is made by Leroy, J. in his otherwise excellent article, ‘Un nouveau manuscrit arabechrétien illustré du Roman de Barlaam et Joasaph’, Syria, xxxii, 1955, 101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 389 note 2} Radloff, W., ‘Altturkische Studien, No. vi’, Izvestiya Imp. Akademii Nauk, 6th series, Tom VI, 1912, 751–3Google Scholar, with references to Le Coq‘s original publication; S. von Oldenburg, ‘Nachtrag zu W. Radloff, Altturkische Studien, vi’ , ibid., 779–82; Alfaric, Prosper, Les écritures manichénnes, Paris, 1918–1919, II, 217–8Google Scholar; Bang, , Le Museon, XLIV, 1931, 12.Google Scholar I have had the advantage of discussing this Manichaean evidence personally with Professor W. B. Henning, to whom thanks are expressed for many helpful suggestions.

^{page 389 note 3} Weller, F., ‘Zwei zentralasiatische Fragmente des Buddhacarita’, Abhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, XLVI, 4, 1953.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 1} Henning, W.B., ‘Ein manichaisches Bet- und Beichtbuch’, Abhandlungen der Berl. Alcad. der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1936, No. 10, 46–7Google Scholar, 99; Henning, ,‘Sogdian tales’, BSOAS, xi, 3, 1945, 487.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 2} Browne, E.G., JRAS, 1900,216–7Google Scholar; Rosen, V., Zapiski Vostochnogo Otdeleniya Imp. Russkogo Arkheologicheskogo Obshchestva, xiv, 1901–1902, 77–118.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 3} Krymsky, A.E., Aban al-Lahiqi, le Zindiq (env. 750–815), Moscow, 1913 Google Scholar (Trudy po Vostokovedeniyu,No. 37). This monograph, in Russian, gives an extensive bibliography of the Oriental versions of the Barlaam and Ioasaph legend.

^{page 390 note 4} Translated from F. Hommel‘s edition: Rehatsek, E., ‘Book of the king's son and the ascetic’, JRAS, 1890, 119–55.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 5} Analysis with extracts by von Oldenburg in Zapiski Vostochnogo Otdeleniya Imp. Russkogo Arkheologicheskogo Obshchestva, S., iv, 1890, 229–65.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 6} See the analysis in Kuhn, E., ‘Barlaam und Joasaph, Eine Bibliographisch-literargeschichtliche Studie’, Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akad. der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-phihlogische Klasse, xx, 1894.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 7} Povesf o Varlaame puslynnike i Iosafe tsareviche, Moscow, 1947.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 1} Abū-Manṡūr ‘Abd-al-Qāhir ibn Ṭāhir al-Baghdādī (d. A.D. 1037), Moslem schisms and sects (Al-farq bain al-firaq), being the history of the various philosophic systems developed in Pt. II, translated by Halkin, A.S., Tel-Aviv, 1935, 200–1Google Scholar. The form Yūdasaf is a common corruption of Būdhāsaf, arising from confusion in Arabic script and occurring in a number of the Arabic texts; we shall later find it taken over into Georgian.

^{page 391 note 2} The first detailed study of the Georgian version, by Marr, appeared in Zapiski Vostochnogo Otdeleniya Imp. Russkogo Arkheologicheskogo Obshchestva, III, 1888, 223–60Google Scholar; a Russian translation of the text by Javakhishvili, I.A. was published in the same journal, xi, 1897–1898, 1–48 Google Scholar. Bibliography in Wolff, E.L., ‘Barlaam and Ioasaph’, Harvard Theological Review, xxxii, 1939, 131–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar, to which should be added: Nersesean, S. Ter, L'illustration du roman de Barlaam et Joasaph, Paris, 1937.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 3} Following Kuhn, objections were advanced by Jacobs, J., Barlaam and Josaphat, London, 1896, xxx Google Scholar, and more recently, by Dälger, F., Der griechische Barlaam-Roman ein Werk des H. Johannes von Damaskos, Ettal, 1953.Google Scholar

^{page 392 note 1} Revue de VOrient Chretien, xxv, 1926, 143 Google Scholar. Note that the Balahvar text in codex 36 same collection is in fact the usual shorter version, though an older and better copy.

^{page 392 note 2} Peeters, P., ‘La première traduction latine de “Barlaam et Joasaph” et son original gree’ Analecta Bollandiana, XLIX, 1931, 300.Google Scholar

^{page 392 note 3} F. Dälger, Der griechische Barlaam-Roman, 27.

^{page 392 note 4} Qaukhchishvili, S., ‘Akhali varianti k'art'uli romanisa Sibrdzne Balavarisi’, Mnat'obi (Tiflis), No. 8, 1956, 177 Google Scholar; Nutsubidze, Shalva, K proiskhozhdeniyu grecheshogo romana Varlaam iIoasaph, Tiflis, 1956, 193.Google Scholar (Photographs of Qaukhchishvili's article were kindly sent to me Dr. G. Kobakhidze of New York; a copy of Professor Nutsubidze‘s book was sent direct Tiflis, for which cordial thanks are expressed.)

^{page 393 note 1} Lang, D.M., ‘St. Euthymius the Georgian and the Barlaam and Ioasaph romance’, BSOAS, XVII, 2, 1955, 306–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the same article translated into Georgian by Gamqrelidze, A., ‘Ek'vt'ime k'art'veli da Varlaamisa da Ioasap'is t'k'muleba’, Mnat'obi (Tiflis), No. 3, 1956, 155–68Google Scholar, with discussion and comments by Sh. Nutsubidze, ibid., 144–54.

^{page 393 note 2} Blake, , Jerusalem catalogue, Revue de I'Orient Chrétien, xxiv, 1924, 70–1.Google Scholar

^{page 393 note 3} See Kekelidze, K., Dzveli k'art'uli mdserlobis istoria, I, third edition, Tiflis, 1951, 183.Google Scholar

^{page 393 note 4} Garitte, G., ‘Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens littéraires du Mont Sinaī’, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Vol. 165 = Subsidia, IX, Louvain, 1956, 53–8.Google Scholar

^{page 398 note 1} Fables occurring in the Oriental, but not in any of the Christian redactions, have been left out of account. See, in addition to the analysis in Kuhn: Chauvin, V., Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes, III, Liege, Leipzig, 1898, 83–112 Google Scholar; Jacobs, Barlaam and Josaphat, xxxviii (based on less complete material than now available). The Ibn Babuya fables are tabulated by von Oldenburg, S. in Zapiski Vostochnogo Otdeleniya, iv, 1890, 251.Google Scholar

^{page 401 note 1} StDamascene, John, Barlaam, and Ioasaph, , ed. and trans. Woodward, G.R. and Mattingly, H. (Loeb Classical Library), London, 1914, p. 21.Google Scholar

^{page 402 note 1} Peeters, , in Analecta Bollandiana, XLIX, 1931, 304 Google Scholar, made an ingenious but unnecessary attempt to explain the odd designation away in terms of a confusion in Kufic script.

^{page 402 note 2} Loeb ed., pp. 39–43.

^{page 403 note 1} This is also shown by the fact that the Jerusalem Georgian text does not have the Apology of Aristides, which is such a vital element of the Greek and of all versions deriving therefrom. As in the Bombay Arabic (Rosen, p. 158), so likewise in our Jerusalem MS (fol. 112r.), we are simply told that the sorcerer impersonating Balahvar defended Christianity and attacked the idols even more eloquently than Balahvar himself could have done.

^{page 403 note 2} Qaukhchishvili, S., in Mnat'obi (Tiflis), No. 8, 1956, 178 Google Scholar; Sh. Nutsubidze, K proiskhozhdeniyu grecheslcogo romana Varlaam i loasaph, 203.

^{page 403 note 3} Many years ago, N. Y. Marr quoted passages in the abridged Wisdom of Balahvar which ‘failed to inspire confidence’, and concluded on these very grounds that the shorter Georgian recension derived from a more complete Georgian original, at that time given up as lost. See ‘Armyansko-gruzinskie materialy dlya istorii dushepoleznoy povesti o Varlaame i Ioasafe’, Zapiski Vostochnogo Otdeleniya, xi, 1897–1898, 55 Google Scholar. Particularly glaring instances of anacolouthon and disjointed effects symptomatic of hasty abridgment occur in the Wisdom of Balahvar in such episodes as the pursuit of Balahvar by Rak'is and the interrogation of the ascetics; in Iodasaph's farewell address to his people; and in his reunion with Balahvar, where a circumstantial account in The life of the Blessed Iodasaph of how the two saints were reunited on a mountain has been abbreviated in the shorter version and rendered unintelligible by substitution of mat't'agansa ‘from among them’ for mt'at'agan ‘from the mountains’. I hope to clear up these points in detail in the introduction to an English rendering of The wisdom of Balahvar now in preparation for the series ‘ Ethical and Religious Classics of East and West’.

^{page 403 note 4} See the analysis by Tarchnisvili, M. in Bedi K'art'lisa (Paris), No. 18, 1954, 25–6Google Scholar; also the same author's Geschichte der kirchlichen georgischen Literatur, Vatican City, 1955, 395–6.Google Scholar

^{page 403 note 5} Ed. Abuladze, Tiflis, 1937, 42. For parallels with the archaic Sinai codex of the Acts of the Apostles, copied in A.D. 974 and 977, see Tarchnisvili, M., ‘A propos de la plus ancienne version géorgienne des Aotes des Apôtres’, Le Muséon, LXIX, 1956, 353–4Google Scholar. For kindred instances, see further Imnaishvili, I.V., K‘art'uli ot'kht'avis simp'onia-lek'sikoni, Tiflis, 1948–1949, 317 Google Scholar, under mdidar 1 and 2.

^{page 404 note 1} Ingoroqva, P., in Mnat'obi (Tiflis), Nos. 10–11, 1939, 246 ff.Google Scholar, as quoted by Nutsubidze, K proiskhozhdeniyu grecheskogo romana Varlaam i Ioasaph, 230–3.

^{page 404 note 2} Metreveli, E., ‘K istorii gruzinskoy original'noy gimnografii v xi veke’, Trudy Tbilisskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogicheskogo Institute, (Tiflis), ix, 1952, 199–215 Google Scholar; extracts from the hymn in praise of St. Iodasaph are given by Ingoroqva, P. in his book Giorgi Merchuk, k'art'veli mdserali meat'e saukunisa, Tiflis, 1954, 657, 660.Google Scholar

^{page 405 note 1} Loeb ed., pp. 3–5, 609–11. In the Ethiopic (trans. Budge), our intermediary is called John of Gethsemane; in the shorter Georgian Wisdom of Balahvar (ed. Abuladze, p. 3), the tale is supposed to have been discovered in ‘lope’ (? Joppa, or Ethiopia) by Father Isaac, son of Sophronius of Palestine.

^{page 405 note 2} Dolger, E., Der griechische Barlaam-Boman, Ettal, 1953.Google Scholar

^{page 405 note 3} Sh. Nutsubidze, ‘K'art'uli literaturisa da kulturis sakit'khebi t'anamedrove dasavlur metsnierebashi’, Mnat'obi (Tiflis), No. 3, 1956, 154; the same author's K proiskhozhdeniyu grecheskogo romana Varlaam i Ioasaph, 94–142.

^{page 405 note 4} Further objections are set out by Halkin, Father F. in his review of Professor Dolger's monograph in Analecta Bollandiana, LXXI, 1953, 475–80Google Scholar, and by Glanville Downey in Speculum, xxxi, 1956, 165–8Google Scholar; see other references in Bedi K'art'lisa (Paris), No. 23, 1956, 53–1.Google Scholar The most recent discussion of the evidence, with many helpful references, is provided by Manselli, R., ‘The legend of Barlaam and Joasaph in Byzantium and in the Romance Europe’, East and West (Roma), VII, 4, 1957, 331–40.Google Scholar

^{page 405 note 5} Wolff, , ‘Barlaam and Ioasaph’, Harvard Theological Review, xxxii, 1939, 131–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 406 note 1} Dälger, Der griechische Barlaam-Roman, 23–8.

^{page 406 note 2} BS0AS, xvii, 2, 1955, 312–18.Google Scholar

^{page 406 note 3} Lampros, S.P., Catalogue of the Greek manuscripts ore Mount Athos, II, Cambridge, 1900, p. 164a Google Scholar, No. 4650, being No. 530 of Iviron, copied in 1640. For the elucidation of this entry, I am indebted to Professor Paul Wittek. See further the monograph by Kakhadze, M., K'art'velebi Bizantiis politikursa da kulturul tskhovrebashi, Tiflis, 1954.Google Scholar

^{page 406 note 4} Grégoire, H., Notice sur la vie et les travaux du B. P. Paul Peeters, Paris: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1952, 15–16.Google Scholar