^{page 601 note 1} Miller, William, The Ottoman Empire and its successors, 1801–1927, 3rd ed., Cambridge, 1927, p. 76.Google Scholar

^{page 601 note 2} A good idea of the general aspect of the town and its situation can be obtained from the excellent photographs in Bon, A. and Charponthier, F., En Grèce, new ed., Paris, Paul Hartmann, 1948 Google Scholar, pl. 70, and Retour en Grèce, Ibid, 1949, pl. 68.

^{page 601 note 3} D. Démétrakos, , III, Athens, 1937, p. 2456, gives as the meaning of in later Middle Greek , i.e. ‘entrance’; cf. Ibid, VI, 1951, p. 4781, the démotiké word with the same meaning.

^{page 601 note 4} Phrantzes, p. 397, Bonn: .

^{page 601 note 5} Greek and Western Humanists (e.g. Chalcocondyles, and Morosini who is quoted here below, p. 607) call Monemvasia by what they supposed to be its classical name, Epidaurus, whose ruins (a little further to the north, on the mainland coast) had, indeed, received the name of ‘Old Monemvasia’; cf. Les portulans grecs, ed. Delatte, A., Liège, , 1947, p. 217 Google Scholar:

^{page 602 note 1} With whatever idea this form may be associated, it seems to me that it still echoes the ancient toponym Minoa and is perhaps itself like Monemvasia, nothing but an etymologizing adjustment of the older plce-name.

^{page 602 note 2} The first mention occurs in the Vita S. Willibaldi—the Saint passed through Monemvasia in 723; ‘ad urbem Manafasiam in Sclawinia terrae’ (MGH, SS, XV, 1, p. 93), quoted here from Aubrey Diller, ‘The Scholia of Strabo’, Traditio, X, 1954, p. 93 Google Scholar, Where references on the use of the form have been brought together. Text and documents showing the form are to be found quoted in Zakythinos, D.A., Le DEspotat Grec de Moréc, 2 Vols., Paris, 1932–1953 Google Scholar, e.g. I, p. 33, n. 4; p. 274, n. 2; II, pp. 117 and 300.

^{page 602 note 3} N. A. Beés in IX, Athens, 1930,p. 514, shows the modern popular form as proparoxytone; whereas according to Pernot, Hubert, Lexique grec moderne—français, Paris, 1933 p. 520;Google Scholar it is oxytone. I return to this matter below, p. 512.

^{page 602 note 4} Zakythinos, op. cit., I, p. 33 and II, p. 133.

^{page 602 note 5} Zakythinos, op. cit., I, pp. 79 and 83; II, pp. 116-20 and 172–5.

^{page 602 note 6} See Dütürnāme-i Enverī, ed. Mükrimīn ; [Inanc], Istabul, 1928, pp.31 and 36; cf. the transcrined text (and the translation) in Mélikoff-Sayar, Irène, Le destāan d'Umür Pacha (Bibliothê que Byzantine, Documents, 2), Paris, 1954, pp. 71 Google Scholar and 78, and the commentary to these passagds in Lemerle, Paul, L'Emirat d' Aydin, Byzance et l'Occident (Bibl. Byz., Ètudes, 2), Paris, 1957 Google Scholar, pp. 83 and 102 f.

Enverī's Düstūrnāme is a versified universal history, hastily composed in 1465 from earlier works; its long chapter or Umur Pasha is certainly based on a much older, special account of the hero's explots; convrete details like place-names can unhesitatingly be aseribed to that source.

^{page 603 note 1} There occured, however, the curious intermezzo of 1394 (Zakythios, op. cit., I, p. 128) When Monemvasia saw for some time an Ottoman garrison within its walls.

^{page 603 note 2} Phrantzes, pp. 395 ff., Bonn; cf. Chalcocondyles, p. 476 Bonn = II, p. 230 Darkó.

^{page 603 note 3} The Düstūrnāme, ed. M. , p. 98, tells, and in this passage it may well give first-hand information, how Mahmud Pasha, the author's patron, got hold of Demetrius by ‘finesse’ (naziklük) and ‘also brought it about that the ladies came out from Monavasia’;

The rather astonishing fact that here and in the chapter on Umur Pasha the name of the town is spelt in exactly the same way with the unusual is discussed below, p. 611.

^{page 604 note 1} cf. Zinkeisen, J.W., Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, I, pp. 802 and 807 Google Scholar; Kretschmayr, H., Geschichte von Venedig, III, p. 32 Google Scholarf.; Tschudi, R., Das Āṡafnāme des Luṭfī Pascha, Berlin, 1910, p. xi f.Google Scholar

^{page 604 note 2} Luṭfī , ed. ‘Ālī, Istanbul, 1341, p. 384.

^{page 604 note 3} ‘Their treaty’ because at that time the Ottomans regarded any treaty with infidels as a privilege granted to them by the sultan. This was clearly shown in the wording of treaties, as can be seen from the next passage quoted here.

^{page 604 note 4} One example more for this designation of the Ottoman sultan which, with many others, could be added to those quoted in my ‘Roum, Le Sultan de’ in Annuaire de rinstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientates et Slaves (Bruxelles), vi, 1938, pp. 380–8.Google Scholar

^{page 604 note 5} In reality 300,000 ducats, as is well established, e.g. by the treaty. And, of course, Lutfi Pasha passes over in silence the 10,000 ducats he received for himself.

^{page 604 note 6}

^{page 604 note 7} The preliminary treaty (P) and the ‘original’ (O) have been published by Bonelli, L. in his ‘II trattato turco-veneto del 1540’ in Centenario di Michele Amari, II, Palermo, 1910, pp. 332–63Google Scholar, the ‘authentic copie’ (C) in Lehmann, W., Der Friedensvertrag zwischen Venedig und der Türkei vom 2. Oktober 1540, Stuttgart, 1936 Google Scholar. The character of the last has been definitely established by Bombaci, A., ‘Ancora sul trattato turco-veneto del 2 ottobre 1540’ in Rivista degli Studi Orientali, xx, 1944, pp. 373–81.Google Scholar But with one point of his argumentation I cannot agree. He says that where O and C differ, the first gives always the better reading. This is neither true nor is it to be expected. O and C are both copies (Abschriften) made from the ‘real original’, i.e. the text which was kept at the Porte. As in any copie, mistakes can be expected in O as well as in C. Therefore I do not hesitate to substitute for corruptions in one of them the correct readings in the other and to choose between two equally correct readings that which is supported by P.

^{page 604 note 8} O: Bonelli, p. 341.—P: Ibid, p. 334 and pi. I.—C: Lehmann, p. 1 of the Turkish text. C and P; O ^cP vac.[]. ^dO and C; P ^eO and C; p ^tC and O (Bonelli wrongly read ;) bile which belongs to the preceding compound, its function being to separate the objects governed by teslīm eyleyüb from the group of objects governed by aldiqlarindan. which Bonelli completed to

^{page 605 note 9} Ar. quile, in Tk. qule written usually , from which Gk. derives; see Gy. Moravcsik, , Byzantinoturcica, II, Budapest, 1943, p. 147 Google Scholar. The qule of the treaty refers obviously to the ‘tower’ on the island in the entrance to the harbour. This tower not being covered by the expression ‘fortress of Nauplia’ had to be specially mentioned. In contrast to this tower, the of Monemvasia which appears in a Greek document in Latin characters, of the early fifteenth century ( Ètudes Byzantines, ix, 1951, p. 71 Google Scholar: is ton goulan tis Monovasias), was a tower at the easternmost corner of the wall of the lower town (as can be deduced from Ibid., p. 74, n. 4); as it formed part of the fortress (qal'e) it needed no separate mention.

^{page 605 note 1} Bonelli, p. 354.

^{page 605 note 2}

a bu gün; b qavla göre; e read quapitulaya as in Qāsim receipt (see below).

^{page 605 note 3} The designation vilāyet given in the Turkish text to the Morea (More) has no administrative significance. Like its Turkish equivalent él it is applied with the underlying idea that the country so described had formerly been a political entity, in this case the Despotate.

^{page 605 note 4} cf. jenderal (without deryā) in , MS Vienna, f. 220r (see MOG, I, 125) = ğihānnümā, ed. F. Taeschner, I, 203, used there for another capitano generale del mare.

^{page 605 note 5} Bonelli, p. 353.

^{page 606 note 1} Dictionnaire turc-français, 2nd ed., Paris, 1850, II, p. 1030 Google Scholar, s.v..

^{page 606 note 2} As after 1540 Monemvasia retained its strategic importance, it was more than once the scene of sieges; hence its name appears quite frequently in Ottoman historical literature. To quote some examples (in addition to those occurring elsewhere in this article):

: Ḥājji , Tuhfat², p. 119. IV, p. 124. Also on the map of the Aegean Sea in the so-called ‘Ali Macar Reis Atlasi’, ed. Fevzi Kurtoglu, Istanbul, 1935, reproduced also at the beginning of Evliyā, ix. QAL'A-I B.: Silāhdār ta'r., I, p. 13. B. QAL'ASI: Silāhdar ta'r., I, p. 13. iv, p. 131. B. ḤIṢAR Na'īmā vi (1283 h.), p. 107.

: Ḥājji in von Hammer, J., Rumeli und Bosna, Wien, 1819, p. 115 Google Scholar (‘Mengesche’!). Menekshelioghl (personal name): iv, p. 179. ḤIṢĀRī: Ḥājji , Tuḥfat², p. 133.

^{page 606 note 3} Castries, Henry De, En-Nafhat d-Mislciya fi-s-sifarat et-Tourlciya. Relation d'une ambassade marocaine en Turquie, 1589–1591, par Abou-l-Hasan Ali ben Mohammed et-Tamgouti. Paris, 1929, p.42 Google Scholar: ‘Qoron, d'où nous gagnâmes Ménekché ()’; p. 72 f.: ‘Ménekché, dans la langue du pays, signifie fleurs de violettes. En effet, l'endroit ou fut construite cette forteresse, abonde en fleurs de cette espèce’.

^{page 606 note 4} Evilyā , Seyāḥatnāme, VIII, Istanbul, 1928, pp. 350–5; p. 351:

^{page 607 note 1} See above, p. 601, n. 5.

^{page 607 note 2} Maurocenus, Andreas, Historia Veneta ab anno MDXXI usque ad annum MDCXV. Venice, 1623, p. 228:Google Scholar ‘ … omnes fere Nauplii, ae Epidaurii, relieta patria conscendentes abiere’.

^{page 607 note 3} Σπ. ΛAMIIPOY BpaҼÉa Xpoνιká, ed. Constantine I. Amantos, Athens, 1932 (= cf. my ‘Chroniques mineures byzantines’, in Byzantion, XII, 1937, pp. 309–23.Google Scholar

^{page 607 note 4} Br. Chron., no. 7, 11. 41–48: …

No. 12,11. 63–66, is similar but much more succinct. On the other hand it adds that Venice had also to pay 300,0[00] øλουpía.Ҽpυσá Cf. also nos. 43,11. 35–^2, and 49,11. 58–63.

^{page 608 note 1} Br.Chron., no. 13, 1. 15:

^{page 608 note 2} Br. Chron., no. 42, 11. 141–45 (the 24th November)

^{page 608 note 3} ibid., 1. 139 f.:

^{page 608 note 4} Evliyā, IX, p. 298.

^{page 609 note 1} It would be a mistake to regard as an analogy the name of the fortress erected by Mehemmed II in 1470 on the bank of the Sava to threaten the Hungarian bridgehead of Belgrade from the west. This fortress, in Serbian Šabac, was called by the Turks , (see I, p. 68.) The name is certainly not to be interpreted as meaning böyürtlen ‘blackberry bush’, though at that time the name of this thorny plant may have still been written and pronounced böyür-delen, from which it probably derives and which means ‘flank-piercer’. There is every reason to assume that the name of the fortress was understood in the literal sense of the word, as were in general the compound names given to fortresses, among them also some formed with -delen. It is, however, not excluded that when the fortress was named Böyürdelen, the word had already become the military term noted in some dictionaries, e.g. Samy Bey Fraschery, Ch., Dictionnaire turc-français, Istanbul, 1885,Google Scholar s.v. ‘redoute extérieure qui frappe de côté’; cf. Aḥmed Vefīq Lehje and Chloros.

^{page 609 note 2} The second version of the work (Baḥrīye ²) has been published in a splendid facsimile edition by the Turkish Historical Society: Reis, Piri, Kitdbi Bahriye, Istanbul, 1935,Google Scholar from which I quote. Of the first version (Baḥrīye ¹) we have the incomplete facsimile edition of a MS of 1570 in Kahle, P., Pīrī Re'is, Baḥrīje, I (text), fasc. 1–2, II (translation), fasc. 1, Berlin, 1926–1927;Google Scholar some extracts from this text will be found in the following notes.

^{page 610 note 1} Baḥrīye ² p. 289, 11. 4–10; cf. Baḥrīye ¹, p. 92, 1. 15–p. 93, 1. 4. By its omissions (no Venetians !) and additions (Eshi [cf. above, p. 601, n. 5] and Yeñi which is our town otherwise in the same text called the text of Baḥrīye ¹ (which we read in a MS of 1570 !) seems to have been worked over after 1540, in order to make it up to date.

^{page 610 note 2} Baḥrīye ² p. 293,11. 2–11; cf. Baḥrīye ¹, p. 94,11. 1–7.

^{page 610 note 3} Baḥrīye ¹: Again no mention of the Venetians.

^{page 610 note 4} Baḥrīye ¹ has not the sentence concerning Marvaziya.

^{page 610 note 5} Baḥrīye ¹:

^{page 610 note 6} Baḥrīye ¹ has the same contents but differently arranged and with the addition of:

^{page 610 note 7} Baḥrīye ¹ has not the sentence concerning Cape Malea.

^{page 610 note 8} Baḥrīye ¹ has similar contents between two additions.