^{page 203 note a} The attempt of Christie to re-assert the claims of the Greeks, in his Essay on the ancient Game attributed to Palamedes, 4to, Lond. 1801, however ingenious it may be thought, offers no sort of proof, and is contradicted by all historical evidence.—It is, however, possible, that the ancient Egyptians may also have possessed a knowledge of chess; for among the plates of Hieroglyphics published by Dr. Burton, No. 1, we find at Medinet Habou two representations of some tabular game, closely resembling it; and I am informed that a more perfect representation exists on the temples at Thebes. Perhaps the forthcoming work of M. Champollion and his coadjutors may throw light on this inquiry, as well as on the query which necessarily follows, viz, whether the Egyptians received the game from the Hindoos, or the reverse.

^{page 204 note b} The only treatises worth mentioning, in which the game is considered historically, are those of M. Sarasin, among his works, 4to. Par. 1656, pp. 259-277 5 of Dr. Hyde, De Ludis Orientalibus, 12mo Oxon. 1694; of M. Freret, in torn. v. of the Histoire de l'Académie des Inscriptions, pp. 250-264, 4to, 1729; of the Hon. Barrington, Daines, in the Archæologia, vol. ix. pp. 16–38Google Scholar; of Francis Douce, Esq. in the same work, vol. xi. pp. 397-410; of M. L. Dubois, in torn. i. of the Magasin Encyclopédique, pp. 48–62, 1806 (almost wholly pillaged from Freret); and in four Papers by the late Lake Allen, Esq. (assisted by the writer of the present communication) inserted in the New Monthly Magazine for 1822, vol. iv. pp. 316–320Google Scholar, 497-502; vol. v. pp. 125-130, 315-320. —See also Singer's Researches into the History of Playing Cards, 4to, 1816; and, instar omnium, Twiss's Collections on the Game, 2 vols. 8vo, Lond. 1787 1789, with the additions in his “Miscellanies,” 8vo, Lond. 1805. The most copious list of writers on this subject will be found at the end of Ben-oni, oder die Vertheidigungen gegen die Gambitzüge im Schache, &c. von A. Reinganum, 8vo. Frankf. am. M. 1825.

^{page 204 note c} See Hyde's Hist. Shahiludii, Prolegom. and pp. 28, 52; andTwiss, vol. ii. pp. 261-264.

^{page 205 note d} Wotton's Leges Wallicæ, 1. 3, c. vii. pp. 266-7, fol. Lond. 1730. The board was made of ivory, bone, or horn, and the game was played with eight men only on eachside.

^{page 205 note e} Abulfedæ Annales, torn. ii. p. 85, 4to. Hafn. 1790.

^{page 206 note f} “Et dum filii dictorum Principum in Scaco luderent, filiusOkarii semper Pipini filium vicit. Pipini tamen filius de potentiâ patris præsumens, filium Ducis per tempora percutiens interfecit.” Das Schach-oder König-Spiel, Gustavi Seleni, fol. Lips. 1617, p. 14Google Scholar.

This story is repeated in the Fragment of a Chronicle, published by Canisius, Thes. Monument. Tom.iv., in which it is referred to the year 746; and in the Chronicle of Andreas Presbyter, printed by Marq. Freher, p. 17.

^{page 206 note g} Canisii Thesaur. Monument, tom. iii. pt. 2, p. 134. ed. Basnage, fol. Acta Benedict. Sæc. 3. pt. 1, p. 603. This circumstance furnished, in all probability, the prototype of an incident commonly introduced in the old Romances, and thence into Historians. In the Romance of Ogier le Danois, Chariot, son of Charlemagne, cleaves the head of Baudoin, natural son of Ogier, with a chess-board of gold. (See an illumination representing this, in MS. Reg. 15 E. vi. f. 82.) So, likewise, Thibaut breaks the head of his nephew Galyen (Roman de Galyen Rethore); Reynaud kills Berthelot, the nephew of Charlemagne (Roman des Quatre Filz Aymon, and Roman de Reynaud de Montauban); Fabour lays dead at his feet the son of the Soldan of Persia (Romance of Guy of Warwick); and Bevis of Hampton narrowly escapes having his scull fractured. In the French Chronicles we read, that Henry the First, when prince, played with the Dauphin of France, and knocked the chess-board about his head; a story which is copied by Daniel, Carte, Hayward, and Burton, but falsely referred by the latter to William the Conqueror. See Twiss, vol. ii. pp. 45, 139,140. In the old Gestes of the Warins, cited by Leland, Collectan. i. 230, a similar story is told of Prince John, son of Henry II. and Fulk Fitz-Warin. The ancient chess-boards were very massive, and often made of the precious metals or stones. See New Mon. Mag. vol. v. p. 125, 1822. The colours of the squares were either black and white, red and white, or yellow and white. (See MS. Cott. Cleop. B. ix.) With regard to the size, that on which Charlemagne's pieces stood must have been prodigious; and it would require one above two feet square to play with the chess-men which form the subject of the present Paper.

^{page 207 note h} “Ubi pro reverentiâ. beati Martyris, plurima reliquit [Pippinus Rex] insignia, scilicet saccho (l. schachos) crystallinos, et lapides pretiosos, et auri plurimum.” Acta Benedict. Sæc. 3. pt. 2, p. 192.

^{page 208 note i} Histoire de l'Abbaye de S. Denis, par Jacques Doublet, Religieux de la dite Abbaye, 4to. Par. 1625.

^{page 208 note k} Hist. Shahilud, pp. 71, 132.

^{page 208 note l} V. D'Herbelot, and Baudrand.

^{page 208 note m} Monumens Français Inedils, fol. Par. 1806—1832Google Scholar. This work is not yet complete, and the text describing the above plate is unfortunately wanting. There is no copy in the Museum, and I am indebted for the sight of one to Thomas Willement, Esq. I have made some attempts to procure drawings and measurements of all these chess-men, but whether I shall succeed or not, time will show.

^{page 210 note n} “‘Je parie, que vous ne voudriez pas jouer contre moi vos esperances, sur cet échiquier, à moins que je ne misse gros au jeu.’ ‘Si fait,’ repondis-je, ‘les jouerai, pourvu que gagiez contre moi seulement votre royaume de France.’ ‘Eh bien ! voyons,’ dit Charles, qui se croyoit fort aux échecs. Nous jouons; je lui gagneson royaume; il se met à rire; moi, je jure par Saint Martin, et par bien d'autres saints de mon pays d'Aquitaine, qu'il faut bien qu'il me paye par quelque ac-commodement.” Bibliothèque des Romans, Oct. 1771, vol. ii. p. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note o} “Dum aliquando sibi essem comes itineris, vespertinum tandem subeuntes hospitium, ego me in presbyteri cellam semovi, is autem in spatiosa domo cum commeantium turba resedit. Mane autem facto, à meo mihi agasone significatum est, quod prædictus Episcopus ludo praefucrit Sca-chorum. Quod profectò verbum, velut sagitta, cor meum acutissimè pupugit.—Ille autem ex diversitate nominum defensionis sibi faciens scutum, ait, aliud Schachum esse, aliud aleam. Aleas ergo auctoritas ilia prohibuit, Schachos vero tacendo concessit. Ad quod ego: Schachum, in-quam, scriptura non ponit, sed utriusque ludi genus alese nomine comprehendit.” Epist. Damiani, 4to, Par. 1610, p. 45Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note p} A private letter from Edinburgh states the story of the Nunnery to be fictitious, but that a ruin of some note exists not far from the spot where these chessmen were found.

^{page 214 note q} Edd a Sæmundar, vol. i. p. 68. Cf. Anderson's Diplom. Scot. pi. xxiv.

^{page 214 note r} This MS. has been absurdly called King Canute's Prayer Book, and Strutt has engraved figures from the illuminations prefixed as specimens of Danish armour of the reign of Canute. But these miniatures have no connexion at all with the MS., and were added to it at a recent period. They were evidently executed in France about the middle of the twelfth century, and, in many respects, correspond very accurately with the costume of the Chess-men I am describing.—See Strutt's, Horda, pl. 26, 27Google Scholar, and Chron. of England, vol. ii. p. 215. Meyrick's Ancient Armour, vol. i. p. lxix. Cf. Willemin's Monumens Français Inedits, fol.

^{page 214 note s} 12mo. Ups. 1680, p. 85.

^{page 216 note t} See Montfaucon, , Monumens de la Monarchic Française, vol. i. pl. 8.Google Scholar; Mailliot, , Recherches sur les Costumes des Anciens Peuples, tom. iiiGoogle Scholar. 4to. Par. 1809; MS. Cott. Nero, c. iv. f. 13 b.; Strutt's Dresses, vol. i. p. 12, from MS. Cott. Claud, B. iv.; and Horda, pl. 28, figure of Canute's Queen, from the Hyde Abbey Book, at Stowe.

^{page 217 note u} See in Peringskiold, , Attalar för Swea och Götha Konunga Hus, fol. Stockh. 1725, the monument of King Eric and his Queen Richessa, at the beginning of the thirteenth century; the seal of Ingebirga, wife of Duke Waldemar, and Countess of Holland in 1317; and the monument of Birger Peterson and his wife, 1328Google Scholar.

^{page 217 note x} Respecting the use of horns as drinking-cups, formerly so universal among the Gothic nations, see Wormius's learned treatise on the golden horn in the King of Denmark's collection (Danica Monumenta, fol. Hafn. 1643)Google Scholar, where many examples are engraved. See also a representation of them in Saxon times, in MS. Cott. Claud, B. iv. f. 32 b. Strutt's, Horda, vol. i. pl. 16Google Scholar. These horns are not uncommon in England, witness the horn at York Cathedral (Archæolog. i. 168), the Pusey Horn (Ib. iii. 3, 9, 13), the horn at Queen's College, Oxford (engraved in Hasle-wood's edit, of Barnabæ Itinerarium), &c. In the Aichæologia, vol. xi. App. p. 429, is an engraving of one, probably Danish, found in Ireland. Horns were also sometimes used to keep money in, as appears from a passage in the Edda, where it is said that Ursa, wife of Adil, King of Sweden, gave a horn filled with gold to her son Hrolf Kraka, King of Denmark, to induce him to renew his friendship with her.—Wormius, p. 384. To those who may not think it becoming in a queen to hold a horn of ale in her hand, the latter mode of accounting for its introduction may appear preferable.

^{page 220 note y} MS. Bodl. 799, f. 110 b. It is printed by Hyde, but very incorrectly, p. 179.

^{page 220 note z} “Regina que dicitur Ferce, vadit oblique, et capit indirecte, quia cum avarissimum sit genus mulierum, nichil capit (nisi merè detur ex gratia) nisi rapina et injusticia.” MS. Harl. 2253,.f 135 b (written temp. Edw. II.); MS. Bodl. 52, f. 59 b; MS. Reg. 12 E. xxi. f. 99 b. This tract was printed by Dr. Prideaux, in his Hypomneumata Logica, 8vo. and translated by Twiss, vol. ii. p. 4. Cf. with MS. Sloan. 4029, f. 36 b; and see Hyde, p. 179.

^{page 221 note a} MSS. Coll. Arm. E. D. N. No. 11, ad calc. MS. Bodl. 487, f. 62. It is printed in Hyde, p. 181, from an inaccurate transcript of a copy at Daventer, in Holland. Compare also a similar poem in MS. Reg. 12 E. xxi. f. 99, and the New Monthly Mag. vol. V. p. 127; 1822.—In the Hebrew treatise of Aben-Jachia, published by Hyde, this piece is also considered as a female; but in the earlier composition of Aben-Ezra, who died about A.D. 1174, the term of Pherz only is used. Hyde makes a mistake in translating some lines relative to the move of this piece, which may here be corrected, Aben-Ezrasays of the Elephant,—

Sicut Pherz est incessus ejus, nisi quod sit

Huic præcellentia, eo quod ille sit tantum trifarius.

Hyde was not aware that the superiority lay on the side of the Elephant or Bishop, which could move over three squares diagonally, including the one on which it stood; whereas the Queen or Pherz could only move one square at a time. We should therefore omit the word tantum, and translate as follows: “Its move is like that of the Pherz (diagonal), except that it has over this (the Pherz) a superiority, by its having the power to pass over three squares at a move.”

^{page 221 note b} Dissert, in Archæolog. vol. xi. p. 400; Twiss, vol. ii. p. 255.

^{page 221 note c} MS. Cott. Cleop. B. ix. A later copy of this work, considerably augmented, occurs in MS. Reg. 12 E. xxi. Both are illustrated with diagrams. From the former of these MSS. Strutt engraved (incorrectly) the forms of the men, and a round chess-board (Sports, p. 276, 2d ed.);but he was unable to understand the text. A more ample account of the MS. is given by Mr. Allen in the New Monthly Mag. vol. iv. pp. 499-501; but his translation is very faulty. It is my intention, at no very distant period, to publish both these treatises, with a variety of other documents relating to chess, collected from the MS. libraries in England and on the Continent.

^{page 221 note d} I am indebted for the use of this MS. to John Baker, Esq. It belongs to his uncle, the talented historian of Northamptonshire.

^{page 222 note e} See Marchand's Diet. Historique, i. 179. Dibdin's Ames, i. 52n.

^{page 222 note f} “Super solium collocata est domina quaedam pulchra cum corona in capite, vestimento deaurato, et clamyde circumamicta varietate” (sic). MS. Reg. 12 B.xxiii.; 12 E. xxii.; MS. Harl. 3238.

^{page 222 note g} See Roman d'Alexandre, MS. Bodl. 264, f. 129; Roman de la Rose. v.6688, 6701, 6735; Chaucer's Book of the Duchess, v. 654; Lydgate ap. Hyde, proleg. (b).

^{page 222 note h} Horman's Vulgaria, 4to, Lond. 1519.

^{page 222 note i} For an explanation of these terms, see Mr. Gage's valuable communication in the present volume, p. 33.

^{page 225 note j} Hyde, p. 95. Douce, in Archæol. xi. pp. 400–404. Allen, in New Monthly Mag. p. 128, vol. v. 1822.

^{page 226 note k} Vide Fabric. Bibl. Med. et Inf. Lat. v. 556. The poem was printed by Goldastus, in 8vo. 1610, with other pieces; but, as the volume is not in the Museum, I am obliged to quote from second hand.

^{page 226 note l} There is some little difficulty here, and it would read better thus: “Roc et auffin cornu.' These lines do not occur in the magnificent copy of this Romance preserved in the Bodleian library, No. 264, but are replaced by the following:

“Li eschec de saphirs, le roi Assueru,

Et de riches topasses, a toute lor vertu,

Pigmalyun les fist, li fiex [fils] Candeolu.”

^{page 227 note m} In MS. Cott. Cleop. B. ix. and in Von Manesse's MS. of the Minnesingers, in the Bibliothèque du Roi, of nearly the same age, the Bishop is represented of this shape. In Caxton's translation of De Cessolis, the forked head is very apparent, (but falsely appropriated by Hyde to the Rook,) and in the German treatise of Jacob Mennel, 410. Franck. 1536, (where this piece is termed Alt, as it is also in Conrad von Ammenhusen's translation of De Cessolis, in 1337), are two curious forms engraven, both exhibiting the bi-furcated head.

^{page 228 note u} Mr. Douce supposed the first edition of this book to have appeared in 1640, but in the King's library is an edition dated 1614, 12mo, dedicated to Lucy, the wife of Edward third Earl of Bedford; and another copy is in the Bodleian.

^{page 228 note o} Rowbotham's description of all the pieces is copied nearly verbatim in the introduction to a poem, entitled, “Ludus Scacchiæ. By G. B.” 4to. Lond. 1597.

^{page 228 note p} This history of this piece is rendered still more singular from its having undergone two other transformations, a brief account of which is here annexed:

1. In the set of chess-men which belonged to Charlemagne, the form is said to be that of an Archer, ready to shoot. This term of Archer is adopted by Rabelais, in 1550. We meet with it also in the Duke of Lunenburg's work, fol. Lips. 1617, c. 8, where an engraving is given representing a Schütze, or Archer. It has occurred above in Rowbotham; and in Beak's translation of Biochimo, published in 1656, he writes, p.2 “Next to the King's other side place a Bishop or Archer, who is commonly figured with his head cloven.” Vida in his poem (composed in 1540) combines the Archer with the Centaur, and terms these pieces “Sagittiferi Centauri.”

2. The French at an early period corrupted the oriental term Phil or Fil into Fol, and hence represented this piece under the form of a Jester, or court Fool, which designation is still retained in France in preference to that of prêtre. The term occurs in the Roman d'Alexandre, and in the Roman de la Rose (in both of which it is also termed aufin), Archæolog.xi. p. 401, and is alluded to in the Anglo-Norman poem quoted above. So also in the Latin poem of the 13th century, printed inaccurately by Hyde:

“Rex et Regina, Stolidoritm corpora bina,”—

“Stultus Saltator trivius [al. trinus] quasi fur speculator,

Si rubus in primo, nunquam candebit in imo.”

In the early copy, in the Coll. of Arms, a gloss is added above, li aufins, and it is rather singular to trace in this one line the Fou of the French, the Läuffer of the Germans, and the Aufin of the French, Italians, and English.

^{page 235 note q} It is called by the modern Germans Springer, by the Swedes Lopare, from the nature of its move.

^{page 235 note r} 12mo, Lond. 1562, Cf. Archæolog. xi. p. 405. In Jacob Mennel's treatise, 1507, the Knight has two forms, more or less varying from the prototype.

^{page 238 note s} See Archæologia, vol. xi. pp. 406-408.

^{page 239 note t} The name of Tower in England is co-æval with that of Bishop, as is evident from Rowbotham's work, and was introduced apparently between the reigns of Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. In Palsgrave's, Esclarcissement de la langue Francoyse, fol. 1530Google Scholar, we only find “Roke of the chesse, roc,” and “Alfyn, a man of y^e chesse borde, aulfin.” So late as the end of the seventeenth century, we read in Olyoke's Dictionary, fol. 1677, “Rook at chess, Elephante.”

^{page 239 note u} MS. Cott. Cleop. B. ix. Strutt's Sports, pl. xxx.

^{page 239 note x} Willemin, “Monumens François,” fol. and “Lays of the Minnesingers,” 12mo. 1829.

^{page 239 note y} Sale's Prel. Disc. to the Koran, pp. 166-168.

^{page 240 note z} Another impression of this seal, but broken, I find among the Harleian collection of Charters in the British Museum, 49 D. 37, attached to a Deed dated 1 Hen. V. On the same labelis the seal of William Rokewode, bearing also sis chess-rooks, but with an annulet for difference.

^{page 240 note a} Archæolog. xi. p. 406.

^{page 240 note b} In Mennel's treatise, 1507, the Rach or Rook is figured with four round or sharp corners, something in the shape of aflower, but these are, only fanciful corruptions of the original form.

^{page 241 note c} Published at Paris, 12mo. 1663. “La difference qu'il y a de leurs pièces aux nôtres, est, que nos Fous sont des Evesques parmy eux, et qu'ils tiennent que les Ecclesiastiques doivent estre près de la personne des Rois. Leurs Rocs sont de petits Capitaines, que les escoliers Islandois que sont icy apelent Centurions. Us sont representez, l'espee au costé, les joues enfiés et sonnant du cor, qu'ils tienent des deux mains.” p. 56.

^{page 241 note d} Hrókr, vir fortis et grandis: en stor og stark mand. Longurio, latrunculorum satelles, Brikke i Skakspil. Haldorson. “Hrókr, gloriosus, thraso. In ludo latrunculorum Skák vulgo dicto, miles hrókr appellatur, elatus quippe superbusque.” Index to the Orkneyinga Saga.

^{page 241 note e} “Rokh. Ce mot signifie dans la langue des anciens Persans un vaillant homme, qui cherche des avantures de guerre, un heros, et ce qu'on appelloit autrefois dans nos romans, un preux, et un chevalier errant. C'est d'où vient le nom de Roch, dans les Echecs, dont le jeu est venu de Perse jusques à nous.” Bibl. Orient, tom. iii. p. 129. ed. 4to. La Haye, 1778. He then proceeds to cite some passages, in explaining which Dr. Hyde has made a great mistake. Cf. Shahilud. p. 120, 123.

^{page 242 note f} MS. Harl. 6518. f. 3.

^{page 242 note g} “In extremo agmine sunt Cenluriones, Anglice Rookes. Sunt enim hii quasi milites triarii, fortissimaque Regis propugnacula. Si quando Rex periclitatur, locum mutant, seque periculo opponunt, Regem vero quasi in arce includunt. Collocantur enim in comu exercitus, seu in extrema ala, ut prospiciant ne hostis a tergo Regem adoriatur.” The Rook is also termed a Duke by Arthur Saul, in 1614.

^{page 244 note h} Rosmarus, Jonst. Pise. t. 44. Le Morse, Buff. 13, p. 358.Arctic Walrus, Pennant, Quadr. 2. 266. Trichechus Rosmarus, Linn. p. 59. Trichechus Walrus, Shaw, vol. i. pt. i. p. 234, 4to. 1800Google Scholar.

^{page 244 note i} In the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons may be found various specimens of the tusk of this animal, together with a section of one, exhibiting the formation above described, and a skeleton of the animal itself. I have to express my thanks to Mr. Clift, Conservator of the Museum, forhis obliging permission to examine these interesting specimens. The tusks of those Walruses which inhabit the icy coasts of the American continent are much longer, thinner, and far more sharp-pointed, and have a sub-spiral curvature towards the point (Shaw, vol. i. p. 234). One of this description, procured by Captain Beechey from the natives of Point Hope, in Beering's Straits, is in the British Museum. It measures 2½ feet long, by 5¼ inches in circumference at the root Tusks are said to have been found in Kamschatka weighing from 20 to 40 lbs. Gmelin, iii. p. 164. See Crantz's Hist, of Greenland, i. p. 113, 4to. 1820. Museum Wormianum, fol. 1655, p. 289.Google ScholarMuseum Regium, fol. pt. i. § in. 8, 9. ed. Lauerentzen. Einersens' Notes on the Speculum Regale, 4to. Soröe, 1768, p. 178, and Bussæus on the Periplus Ohtheri, § 5, 4to. Havn.1733.

^{page 244 note k} A portion of the chess-men exhibit appearances distinct from the rest, and are of a lighter colour, and less heavy, and most of them are fractured. From these circumstances, and from the bone being adhesive to the tongue, it has been suggested that these figures are in a fossil state. Whether this fossilisation took place before or after the pieces were worked is a curious subject of inquiry to the naturalist.

^{page 245 note l} No. 4 of the Warders is a singular instance among these chess-men of a piece cut from a whale's tooth, and exhibits a different internal structure of an oval shape.

^{page 245 note m} Shaw, p. 235.

^{page 245 note n} In the voyages made by Stephen Bennet in 1603 and succeeding years (which were the origin of the English whale fishery)) they found the Walruses in such numbers on Cherry Island, lying between the North Cape and Spitsbergen, that they killed from 700 to 1000 of them in six or seven hours. See Purchas, iii. 560, 565. Pennant, i. p. lxxxi.

^{page 245 note o} Foster, in his notes on the Saxon Orosius, says, “in all the ocean near Norway and Lapland no Walruses are ever seen, still less in the Baltic.” p. 243. The former part of this assertion is not, perhaps, to be received literally. Arngrim Jonas, in his account of Greenland, published in Icelandic, 4to. Skalholt, 1688, after describing the Rostungr, says of it, “This animal is common both to Greenland and Iceland.” cap. 2. A Latin inedited translation of his work is in MSS. Add. 5207. So also Pontoppidan writes: “The Valrus or Rosmul, and in our old Norwegian, Rostungr, Rosmar, the Walrus or Sea-horse, is seen sometimes on this coast, but not so frequently as about Iceland or Spitsbergen, where, according to Marten's Travels, ch. iv. they are found in incredible numbers.” Nat. Hist. Norway, fol. Lond. 1755, p. 257.

^{page 246 note p} Ed. Barrington, 8vo. Lond. 1773.

^{page 246 note q} Spiðoɼτ he pop ðẏδep τo eacan þæɼ lanδeɼ ɼceapunʓe. pop þæm hopɼ hpælum. pop þæm hi habbað ɼpẏðe æðele ban on hẏpa τoðum þa τeð hẏ bpoτon ɼume þæm cẏninʓe. & hẏpa hẏδ hið ɼpiðe ʓoδ τo ɼcip papum. p. 22. These ropes were called by the Norwegians Svardreip. See Spec. Reg. p. 178, n. and Arn. Jonæ Gronlandia, cap. 2.

^{page 246 note r} Supposed by Molbech to have been composed at the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century. Sagabibliothek, vol. i. p. 357. It is printed in the 8vo collection of Marcusson, 1756, pp. 35-68, and the substance of it forms a considerable portion of Arngr. Jonas's Description of Greenland, 4to. Skalh. 16S8. See also the examination of this narrative by Torfæeus, in his Gronlandia Antiqua, cap. 25, 8vo. Havn. 1706.

^{page 246 note s} Thorkelin is mistaken in considering this to be Harald Harfager, who died in 936. Twiss, ii. p. 176. In the Saga he is expressly called Sigurds-son.

^{page 247 note t} “Guñar sendi Haralldi Konge 3. gripe, þad var, Hvijta Biorn fulltijda, og aagiæta vel vaniñ; saa añar gripur var Tañ-Tabl, og geordt medmiklum hagleik; þridie var Rostungs haus, med öllum toñum sijnum, hañ var allur grafiñ, og vijda rendt i guile. Toñur voru fastar i hausnum; var þad allt hin mesta gersemi.” In the Latin translation of Arngrim Jonas's Description of Greenland, MS. Add. 5207, p. 59. the passage is thus rendered: “Gunnerus igitur Norvego hæc tria officii gratia mittebat, 1. Ursum cicurem colore niveo; 2. Scachiam seu latrunculos ad ludum scachiæ pertinentes, ex balænarum dentibus arte formatos; 3. integrum caput vituli seu canis marini (Rostungr) sculptoria arte mirificè ornatum, cui adhuc dentes infixi erant.” Professor Thorkelin also considered the term Tan-Tabl in the sense of “Chess-men made of teeth of the Morse.” See Twiss on Chess, vol. ii. p. 175.

^{page 247 note u} See Spec. Reg. 4to. Soröe, 1768, p. 178, with the authorities cited by Einersen, in his note.

^{page 247 note x} Hakluyt, i. 237, 280. At present the ivory-turners in London ask from 4s. to 20s. a pound for these tusks.

^{page 247 note y} —“Maximè propter dentes, qui pretiosi sunt apud Scythos, Moschos scilicet et Ruthenosve Tartaros (uti ebur apud Indos) ob duritiem, candorem, et gravitatem, quâ de causâ etiam framearum manubriis artificum, excellenti industria accedenle, adaptantur.” Hist. Gent. Sept. lib. xxi. cap. 28. p. 789, ed. fol. 1567. (The work was written in 1555.)

^{page 248 note z} Pt. ii. §. m. 9.

^{page 248 note a} “Morsorum she Rosmarorum dentibus valde artificiose elaborantur in usum ludi Latrunculorum seu Schachorum, quo mire et ingeniose utuntur omnes populi Septentrionales, maxime principes et clarissimi viri.” Lib. 21, cap. 29.

^{page 248 note b} “Ex cjus dentibus varia conficiunt, annulos contra spasmum, manubria gladiorum, framearum et cultrorum, quoniam pondere suo ictus fortiores ut fiant, juvant; quo nomine ad Tartaros et Turcas mittunt, à quibus expetuntur. Islandi icunculos ex iis affabre conficiunt, quibus in ludo Scacchico utuntur.”—Museum Wormianum, fol. 1655, p. 290. In the Royal Museum at Copenhagen is preserved (amongst many other specimens) a groupe of figures, three inches in height, cut out of a tusk of the walrus, representing a king on horseback, holding a crescent-shaped shield. By his side stands a figure armed with a bow and spear; and behind the horse is another, with a long sword, and blowing a horn. Two other figures are introduced, one of which holds the king's stirrup, and the other bears on his left arm a long oval shield, which extends from the head to the knees, and in his right a sword. Such figures, says Jacobs, made from the teeth of the Rosmar, are by no means uncommon.—Museum Regium, pt. ii. § III. 81; Mus. Worm. p. 380. I regret no engraving should have been given of this curious groupe, for the purpose of comparison with the chess-men in the Museum.

^{page 249 note c} Islandi hyeme, cum noctes sunt longiores, ingeniosi cum sint, ex dentibus balænarum [Rosmarorum] ad focum varia conficere solent. In primis ludi Scachici (in quo excellunt) latrunculos. Quorum aliquot mihi specimina, viridi et albo colore distincta, quæ ita sunt sculpta, ut quisque suum officium habitu, vestitu, et lineamentis perpulchre exprimat.”—Mus. Worm, p. 377. Among the Correspondence of Wormius, published in two volumes, 8vo. Hafn. 1751, are some verses from Magnus Olavius to him, dated 6 cal. Sept. 1627, sent, together with a present of some chess-men, from Iceland, vol. i. p. 356; and in a letter from Stephanus Olavius, dat. Kyrkebae in Islandia, 15 Sept. 1648, he says he has sent him a snuff-box, cut by a young Icelander, “ex dente balænae,” and adds, “Hie juvenis pleraque artificiosa quæ oculis usurpat, imitatur, ipse sibi magister: in primis vero latrunculos Scacchidis affabre format, et mediocri pretio vendat.” Vol. ii. p. 1072.

^{page 251 note d} “Insigne gentis obliquare crinem, nodoque substringere. Sic Suevià cæteris Germanis, sic Suevorum ingenui à servis, separantur. In aliis gentibus, seu cognatione aliquâ Suevorum, seu (quod sæpe accidit) imitatione, rarum, et intra juventæ spatium; apud Suevos, usque ad canitiem, horrentem capillum retro sequuntur, ac sæpe in solo vertice religant: principes et ornatiorem habent.” Germania, cap. 38.

^{page 251 note e} “Universis provincialibus et capillatis.” Theodorici Ep. ap. Cassidor. lib. 4, 49. Cf. Edict. c. 195. So also Jornandes tells us, that Diceneus Boroista gave to the clergy the name of pileati, from the caps they wore—“reliquam vero gentem capillatos dicere jussit, quod nomen Gothi pro magno suscipientes adhuc suis cantionibus reminiscuntur.” De reb. Geticis, cap. xi. p. 38. 12mo. Lugd. Bat. 1597.

^{page 251 note f} “Capitis apex rotundus, in quo paululum [in patulam al.] à planitie frontis in verticem cæaries refuga crispatur. Geminos orbes hispidus superciliorum coronat arcus.—Aurium ligulæ, sicut mos gentis est, crinium superjacentium flagellis operiuntur.—Pilis infra narium antra fruticantibus quotidiana succisio, barba concavis hirta temporibus, quam in subditâ vultus parte surgentem, stirpitus tonsor assiduus genas ad usque, forficibus evellit.” Epp. 1. 1, 2. Ed. 4to. Par. 1609. Cf. Hist. Wilkinensium, cap. 14, fol. Stockh. 1715.

^{page 251 note g} P. 287, he says also, that the hair was cut round, among the courtiers, so as only to reach the ears, except in front, where it grew long; and no moustaches were worn. Of the German Goths Diodorus writes thus: “Some shave their beards, but others keep them of a moderate length. The nobles, indeed, shave their cheeks, and suffer their moustaches to grow so long that they cover the mouth.”

^{page 252 note h} MS. Add. 5184, ff. 27 b., 149, 150. Savary, the Editor of Sidonius,, coincides in the above opinion.

^{page 252 note i} “Nonnullæ gentes non solum in vestibus, sed et in corpore aliqua sibi propria quasi insignia vendicant, lit videmus cirros Germanorum, granos et cinnabar Gothorum.” Orig. l. 19, c. 23.

^{page 252 note k} By granos or granr, Vossius, Du Cange, Sicama, and others, understand moustaches. This seems to be strengthened by the modern use of the Isl. gran, and Belg. graenan. But, as appears from Verelius, it also signified the beard, and hence Odin is called Hrosharsgrani, from his having a beard (or as others say, a pair of moustaches) like the hair of a horse's tail. By a canon of the Gothic council of Braga, no reader in the church was allowed to wear granos; and by the ancient laws of Frisia, tit. 22, c. 16, 17 he who cut off an eye-brow or a grano, wasto pay two solidi. Hence also the epithet of Grannus given to Apollo, from his long locks of hair. See Wachter and Ihre, who offer other derivations of the word. Loccenius agrees nearly with Sperlingius in theinterpretation of cinnabar. Cf. Verel. in v. Graun.

^{page 252 note l} Παρηώρηνται αὐτοῑς ἂπαντες εν μάλα ἐπὶ τѽν ὤμων οί πλόκαμοι. ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ ἐμπρόσθιοι ἐμπρόσθιοι ἐκ τονμετώπον σχιδóμενοι, έΦ έκáτερα Φέρονται. Lib. i. p. 14, Ed. Par. fol. 1660. So, in Gregory of Tours, lib. 6, c. 24, we read, “Ut regum istorum moris est crinium flagellis per terga dimissis.”

^{page 253 note m} Monumens de la Monarchie Francoise, vol. i. pl. 8, 17. Willemin, Monumens Francois. These statues are assigned by the former to the sixth century, but, more probably, by Willemin, to the tenth. The ancient models, however, have doubtless been preserved.

^{page 253 note n} Montf. pl. 31. Maillot, iii 32.

^{page 253 note o} “Sed alia coma erat Septentrionalium Danorum, Norvegorum, Gothorum et Sueonum, quorum crines dorsum flagellabant, ita ut vinculis coerceri deberent, cum ad pugnas aut prælia pergerent.” L. 8, c. 14, p. 208. Sperlingii Collectanea, MSS. Add. 5184, f. 134.

^{page 253 note p} Torf. Hist. Norv. lib. i. cap. 13.

^{page 254 note q} Ord. Vital. 1. 8, p. 507. ap. Du Chesne.

^{page 254 note r} “Barbaricum morem in habitu et ritu tenebant. Nam capillos à vertice in frontem discriminabant, longos crines velut mulieres nutriebant et summopere curabant.—Sincipite scalceati sunt ut fares, occipite autem prolixas nutriunt comas, ut meretrices. Crispant crines calamistro.—Nunc pæne universi populares criniti sunt et barbatuli.” Ib. 1. 8, p. 682.

^{page 254 note s} “Amicam dudum cæsariem ut viles quisquilias pedibus conculcarunt.” Ord. Vital. 1. II, p. 816. See also Mailliot, vol. iii. p. 73.

^{page 254 note t} Petri D'Ebulo de Motibus Siculis, 4to. Bas, 1746.

^{page 255 note u} Monumenta Ullerakerensia à Peringskiold, fol. 1719. pp. 129, 130.The monument of Henry, Bishop of Upsal, A. D. 1148—1157, in which he is represented with a tall mitre and crosier, elaborately ornamented, is evidently of a later period; as are also the paintings around the tomb of King Eric, in the cathedral at Upsal. See Peringskiold, , Attalar för Swea och Götha Konunga Hus, fol. Stockh. 1725; Monumenta Ullerakerensia, p. 48; andGoogle ScholarMonumenta Sueo-Gothica, fol. 1710, pp. 185Google Scholar, 191, 203. The Frankish bishops at the end of the seventh century wore beards, as appears from the figure of S. Leger, Bishop of Autun, ap. Montf. i. pl. 31; and from Sidonius, Ep. 24. In the twelfth century they are also thus represented. See MS. Cott. Nero, c. iv; and Strutt's Dresses, vol. i. pl. 25.

^{page 255 note x} Museum Regium, pt. ii. § III. 1—13. Ed. Lauerentzen.

^{page 255 note y} Huitfeldii Chron. Dan. pp. 25, 26.

^{page 255 note z} Mus. Reg. pt. ii. § m. 3. Archbishop Absolon also used a crosier of gilt copper, ornamented with a border, but this is not of so ancient a character as the former.

^{page 255 note a} Ib. 12. It is engraved, Tab. 1. 12.

^{page 256 note b} Mus. Worm. p. 377.

^{page 256 note c} Lib. i. p. 40.

^{page 256 note d} “Habebant olim cassides graves, non satis politâ manu juxtarudem illam ætatem fabricatas, præterea thoraces spissos, partim ferreos, partim ferreos, partimfiltrinos, lino lanaque consuta; simili modo brachialia ferrea et manuum chirothecas. Ferebant et densas hastas.”—p. 236.

^{page 257 note e} V. Reenhielm's notes to Thorstens Viikings-sons Saga, cap. x. p. 78. 12mo. Lips. 1680Google Scholar, and compare with the similar Laws passed by Henry II. ap. Hoveden, sub. a^o. 1181,, p. 614. Ed. Francof. 1601. Previous to the introduction of Christianity the people of the North, like the Germans, always carried arms about with them. But these manners were subsequently so changed, that among the Icelanders, about A. D. 1139, we read the security was such, that men no longer went with weapons to a public meeting, and scarcely more than a single helmet could be seen at a judicial assemblage. Kristendom's Saga, c. 14, Svo. Hafn. 1773.

^{page 257 note f} Bartholin. Antiq. Dan. pp. 569, 570, 4to. Hafn. 1689.

^{page 257 note g} Compare Thorkelin's Index to Beowulf, (9th cent.) sub vv. Arma, Clipeus, Galea, Gladius, Hasta, Lorica, Securis, Telum.

^{page 258 note h} Heimskringla, i. 155, Ed. Schöning.

^{page 258 note i} Ib. ii. 352.

^{page 258 note k} Rothe, de Gladiis Veterum, imprimis Danorum., p. 28, 12mo. Havn. 1752. Note of Bussæus on the Periplus Ohteri, §. 5, ad calc. Arii Sched. 4to. Havn. 1733.

^{page 258 note l} Ib. iii. 227.

^{page 258 note m} Other copies read harnisk, which is synonymous with brynio in Spec. Reg. p. 405.

^{page 258 note n} In other copies it is added that the King's arms were on his surcoat (vaaben-kappe). See note to Spec. Reg. p. 402.

^{page 258 note o} Ai. kalot, a leather cap.

^{page 258 note p} Al. spyd.

^{page 258 note q} Noregs Konunga Sogor, iv. 298, fol. 1813.

^{page 259 note r} Snorre was born in 1178, and died A. D. 1211; but his history is compiled from earlier and authentic sources, and with regard to the life of King Olaf Tryggvason, we possess the originals from which he drew, viz. the life of that monarch written by Oddr and Gunlaugr, monks of the monastery of Thingore, in Ireland, the former of whom died in 1200, and the latter in 1210. See the Preface to Sverris Saga, and Reenhielm's edition of Oddr, 4to. Ups. 1691. The text of Gunlaugr was printed at Skalholt, 4to. 1689, and has been recently republished at Copenhagen. See also Mr. Wheaton's interesting volume on the History of the Northmen, pp. 99, 109.

^{page 259 note s} Spec. Reg. p. 375.

^{page 259 note t} lb. p. 400.

^{page 260 note u} Ib. pp. 405, 406.

^{page 260 note x} I quote from a very fine MS. of the time of John, in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart, which contains some curious illuminations of the costume of the Irish at that period, which deserve to be engraved.

^{page 261 note y} Mailliot, tom. ii. pp. 436, 437.

^{page 261 note z} Lips, de Mil. Rom. Opp. tom. iii. p. 140, 8vo. Vesal. 1675. Compare Meyrick's Illustrations of Armour, vol. ii. pl. 135, 140.

^{page 261 note a} Illustrations of Ancient Armour, vol. ii. pl. 141.

^{page 261 note b} See Montfauc. Monum. i. pl. 32, 50, MS.Cott. Calig. A. vii. Nero, c, iv. and Chart. Y. 6. Ured. Sigill. Com. Flandr. P. D'Ebulo de Motib. Siculis, Strutt's Dresses, pl. 43, &c.

^{page 261 note c} Ed. Johnstone, 12mo. 1783. “Then, while our tempered steel sung on the high-seamed helm, the wolves found a rich repast.”

^{page 262 note d} When King Magnus Barefoot of Norway, [1093—1103,] led his forces to Britain, he was opposed, opposite the Isle of Anglesea, by two Earls, Hugh the Proud, and Hugh the Fat. The King shot an arrow against the former, and at the same moment another arrow was launched in the same direction by one of his followers. The Earl was so enveloped in mail (allbrynjathur), that no part was exposed but his eyes, and both the arrows striking at once on the Earl's face, one of them broke his nasal (nefbiorg hialmsins), whilst the other perforated the eye and brain, so that he dropt down dead. Saga Magn. Burf. c. 11.

^{page 262 note e} Meyrick's Ancient Armour, vol. i. p. 37. In the MS. executed by order of Anselm, Abbot of St. Edmund's, who died in 1148, the English are drawn in conical helmets without nasals. The nasal was partially revived about the year 1200: see Meyrick, p. 104, and P. D'Ebulo de Motib. Siculis, 4to.

^{page 262 note f} V. Einerson's Note, Spec. Reg. p. 406.

^{page 262 note g} Thorstens Vikings-sons Saga, p. 85.

^{page 262 note h} Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna, tom. i. pl. 28. fol.

^{page 262 note i} Chart. Cott. Y. 6, Strutt's Dresses, pl. 43.

^{page 262 note k} Dugd. Bar. i. 203, Gough's Sepulchr. Mon. p. cv., Stothard's Monumental Effigies, pl. x. The flat or pot helmet is also very distinctly marked in the monument of William the Norman, Count of Flanders, who died in 1128, and this seems to be the earliest instance of it. Ured. Sig.Com. Flandr. p. 14.

^{page 262 note l} Haco's Expedition against Scotland, by Johnstone, 12mo. 1782, Pref.

^{page 263 note m} Peringskiold, Mon. Suev.-Goth. fol. Stockh. 1710.

^{page 263 note n} Vol. ii. p. 363, Ed. 4to. Havn. 1818.

^{page 263 note o} Heimskringla, i, 764. Montfauc. Monum. i. pl. 50.

^{page 263 note p} Lips de Mil. Rom. lib. iii. dial. 6.

^{page 263 note q} See Meyrick's Dissertation on this species of armour, Archoeolog. xix. p. 210, seq. in which it is to be regretted a stricter chronological arrangement of authorities has not been adopted. Wachter is certainly mistaken in explaining the Panzar to be of iron.

^{page 263 note r} Ancient Armour, vol. i. p. 48.

^{page 264 note s} He says they only studied, “ut lineas suas vestesve sericas sic perstringant et torqueant, ut quasi cutem cerusatam aliis succis obnoxiam cavni faciant cohærere.” Polycrat. lib. 6. 3.

^{page 264 note t} Cap. 122, tom. i. p. 337. Ed. Schön. See also Nials Saga, cap. 85, 4to. Hafn. 1809.

^{page 264 note u} Cap. 65, p. 228. Ed. Reenh.

^{page 264 note x} Thorkelin's Fragments, p. 6.

^{page 264 note y} Herverar Saga, p. 31, 4to. Havn. 1785.

^{page 264 note z} Gesta Dei per Francos, i. 203. Cf. Mills, i. 466.

^{page 265 note a} Noregs Konunga Sögor, torn. iv. p. 286. We are told by Snorre, in Olaf Helga's Saga, c. 204, that Thorer caused twelve tunics to be made by the Fins, of rein-deer skins, which were so contrived by magic art, as to be stronger than mail (hringa-brynio) and impenetrable to a sword.

^{page 265 note b} V. Ihre, in v.

^{page 265 note c} Archæolog. xix. pp. 121, 126. Cf. Reenhielm's Notes, ubi supr. p. 88.

^{page 265 note d} Negldar brynior. The Editor says, “Loricas clavis sive bullis auratis ornata intelligo.” Edda Sæmund.ii. 9. Ed. 4to. 1S18.

^{page 265 note e} Museum Regium, pt. ii. § ii. 95.

^{page 265 note f} Harald Härdrades Saga, cap. 94.

^{page 266 note g} P. 397. She calls the tunicχιτὼν σιδηροūѕ κρíκοѕ έπικρíκω περιπεπλέγμενοѕ.

^{page 266 note h} Strutt, i. pp. 57, 63. Cf. Meyrick's Ancient Armour, i. lxix.

^{page 266 note i} Now belonging to Mr. Booth, bookseller, of Duke Street, Portland Place.

^{page 266 note k} These boots seem the same as those called rullions by the Scots, made from the raw hide. See Ritson's note to Minot, p. 188.

^{page 267 note l} Tacitus, de Morib. Germ. cap. 6.

^{page 267 note m} Str. 18, p. 32. Ed. 4 to. Havn. 1828. Cf. Edda Sæmund. part ii. pp. 79, 104, 963.

^{page 267 note n} Hist. Dan. lib. iv. pp. 56, 57, lib. vii. p. 136, fol. Soræ, 1644.

^{page 267 note o} Cap. 81, p. 698, 4to. Havn. 1809.

^{page 267 note p} Bartholinus, p. 149. Torfæus, Hist. Norv. Prolegom.

^{page 267 note q} MS. Add. 5183, f. 22, sq. in v. Arma.

^{page 267 note r} Helga-Quida, st. 30. In the Scalda, or collection of eddaic epithets attached to the Edda of Snorre, we are told that it was usual to paint the exterior circle of the ancient shields, which was called Baug, and hence shields were also poetically termed Baug. Ed. Resen. 4to. Havn. 1665. V. Egils Saga, p. 697.

^{page 267 note s} “Erant ibi scutorum tot genera, ut crederes adesse omnium populorum agmina. Si quando sol illis jubar immiscerit radiorum, hinc resplenduit fulgor armorum, illinc vero flamma dependentium scutorum.” Ap. du Chesne, p. 168.

^{page 268 note t} “Horucn ferreæ vestes, clypei auro et gemmis inserti variisque coloribus depicti. Galeæ in capitibus eoruni splendentes super solis splendorem coruscant. Hastæ fraxineæ in manibus eorum ferro acutissimo præfixae sunt, quasi grandes pertieæ.” p. 241, ap. Bongars.

^{page 268 note u} MS. Add. 5183, f. 22.

^{page 268 note x} Dallaway on Heraldry, 4to. 1793.

^{page 268 note y} Uredus, p. 6.

^{page 268 note z} Nials-Saga, cap. 93, p. 306. Ed. 4to. Havn. 1809. Sperlingius is mistaken in referring this Saga to the 14th century. See also Arngr. Jon. Crymog. c. ii. 663.

^{page 269 note a} Meyrick's Ancient Armour, i. 35.

^{page 269 note b} Ured. Sig. Com. Flandr. p. 14.

^{page 269 note c} Gough's Sep. Mon. p. cv.

^{page 269 note d} Montfaucon, Mon. Franc,, tom. ii. pl. 12.

^{page 269 note e} Meyrick, i. 36. In Henry the Second's time, it was the fashion to paint and gild the shield very highly. Joh. Sarisb. Policrat. lib. 6. c. 3. Nicolas, son of Sigurd Ran, says Snorre, used a red shield, ornamented with stars (circ. 1175). Magnus Erlingsons Saga, cap. 40, tom. iii. p. 455.

^{page 269 note f} Nials-Saga, cap. 63, p. 199.

^{page 269 note g} Atla-Quida, vol. ii. p. 370. This Kiars was a regulus of Gaul, who lived in the 6th century. Cf. Volunda Quida, and Suhm's Hist. Krit. Tom. ix. pp. 88, 425.

^{page 270 note h} Cf. Snorre, 1, 95, and Index to Orkneyinga Saga, p. 283, in v. Valska.

^{page 270 note i} Vol. i. p. 65.

^{page 270 note k} Alexiad. lib. 13, p. 314. In the Herverar Saga, Arngrim is said to have had a shield of large size, strengthened with plates of iron (storum járnolám), cap. 3.

^{page 270 note l} Mus. Reg. pt. ii. §. III. 23. Cf. Mus. Worm. p. 370, and Saga Hakonar konung Hákonar-sonur cap. 238, 242.

^{page 271 note m} Peringskiold, , Attälat for Swea och Gotha KonungaHus, p. 72Google Scholar.

^{page 271 note n} Ynglinga Saga, cap. 6, Tom. i. p. 11. Cf. Barthol. Antiq. Dan. p. 345; Verelii Index Ling. Scytho-Scand. in v. Berserkr; and the Annotations De Berserkis at the end of Kristni-Saga, p. 142 4to. Havn. 1773.

^{page 271 note o} Hist. Dan. lib. vii. p. 123.

^{page 271 note p} Ib lib. vii. p. 124.

^{page 271 note q} P. 25, Ed. 4to. Hafn. 1785, cf. p. 35.

^{page 272 note r} V. Notas Reenhielmi ad Thorstens Vikings-sons Saga, p. 85, and the collections of Sperlin-gius, MS. Add. 5183, f. 56.

^{page 272 note s} Cap. 53, p. 285, Ed. 4to. Havn. 1809. Bartholinus gives an engraving of this spear, p. 149.

^{page 272 note t} saga af Olafi hinom Helga, cap. 227; Tom. ii. p. 354. Compare the description of Grettur's spear in Grettar Saga, ap. Bartholin, p. 364.

^{page 272 note u} Sperlingius, ubi supr. Cf. the account of Otger's sword preserved formerly in the monastery of Pharon, Act. Benedict, sæc. 4, p. l.; Bartholin, p. 579; and Rothe's Treatise “De Gladiis Veterum, imprimis Danorum,” 12mo. Havn. 1752.

^{page 273 note x} Pontoppidan, V., Gesta Danorum extra Daniam, tom. i. cap. 1. 8vo. Lips. 1740Google Scholar.

^{page 273 note y} V. Loccenii Antiq. Goth. lib. iii. c. 3. p. 124, 4to. Francf. 1676.

^{page 273 note z} Cap. 18, fol. Stockh. 1737.

^{page 273 note a} Thorkelin's Fragments of Engl. and Irish Hist. p. 13, 4to. Lond. 1788.

^{page 274 note b} Hnef-tafl, Lusus latrunculorum, Skakspel. Verelius. So termed from Hnefi, the hand or fist, by which the pieces were moved, qu. Hand-play.

^{page 274 note c} “Hellt tauflo einni er han hafthi drepit, oc hann kreisti hana sua fast, at blod stauck undan huerum nagli.” The Latin version in Biörner reads, “captivum quendam calculum tantisper manu tenens, mox duriter adeo torsit, ut sanguis ex unoquoque erumperet digito,” and in Thorkelin, “Latrunculum quem ceperat tam fortiter inter digitos compressit, ut singuli sanguinem mitterent.” This Saga is supposed to have been written at the beginning of the 13th century. See Müller's Saga-Bibliothek, vol. ii.

^{page 274 note d} Herverar Saga, cap. 7, p. 74. Ed. 4to. Hafn. 1785.

^{page 275 note e} Pp. 146, 148, 152.

^{page 275 note f} Al. brudir, brides.

^{page 275 note g} Al. jarpari, the brown.

^{page 276 note h} See the note of Verelius to this obscure passage, in his edition of the Herverar Saga, fol. Ups. 1672.

^{page 276 note i} Al. Hnottafli er, a draught-man.

^{page 277 note k} Lib. xv, cap. 12, lib. xxi. cap. 28.

^{page 277 note l} The translation of Biörner is subjoined: “Hunc cita extulitætas mavortiis ludis sedulò in-nutritum; ensibus puta scutatorum percussione cruentandis; montibus scandendis decurren-disque; luctationibus et latrunculorum ludis rite edendis; astris cognoscendis; saxis longè projiciendis; aliisque artibus quibus quidem heroica parare perpolireque pectora antiquius consuevit ævum.”

^{page 278 note m} Orkneyinga Saga, p. 150, 4to. Hafn. 1780. Ol. Worm. Lit. Dan. p. 129, 4to. Hafn. 1636. Bartholin, p. 420. Torf. Hist. Oread, cap. 21, p. 94, fol. Havn. 1697. “Tafl em ec aurr at efla,” &c.

^{page 278 note n} “Tefldu i tune teitur voru,” i. e. “They (the Gods) played at tables in the area (or board), and were joyous.” Resenius has this note on the passage: “Tefldu, Tafl, N. G. significat omne ludicrum inventum, veluti sunt Tali, jactus Talorum, nucum, &c. Alea Latrunculi seu Scachiæ Skäk usitatissimè Tafl appellatur, hinc illud verbum ad tefla, id est, latrunculis ludere invicim.” Philosoph. Antiq. Norv. Dan. p. 20, 4to. Hafn. 1673. Cf. Gloss, in Edda Sæmundar, 4to. Hafn. 1828, in v. Tafl, Tabl; and Ihre, Lex. Suio. Goth, in vv. Tafwel, Tafwelbord, Tæfla.

^{page 278 note o} Sagan af Gunnlaugi Ormstungu, p. 52, 4to. Havn. 1775Google Scholar.

^{page 278 note p} Hist. Scotl. i. 396.

^{page 278 note q} No. 93. “Ad vina skak rist a eik and haf i hendini.”

^{page 279 note r} Ap. Marcusson, p. 54, 8vo. 1756.

^{page 279 note s} Ap. Biörner, cap. 8, p. 13.

^{page 280 note t} Ap. Biörner, cap. 3. The whole is very obscure, and I have chiefly followed the Latin and Swedish versions supplied by the editor. His translation of tvykostur eru parna by “tesseræ in bivio vel in dubio sunt,” is erroneous; since dice are not mentioned, and were not used either at chess or draughts. This Saga was, probably, composed at the end of the 13thcentury. V. Müller's Sagabibliothek.

^{page 281 note u} Saga af Olafi hinom Helga, capp. 162, 163, tom. ii. p. 275, 276.The sister of this Ulfr was wife to Earl Godwin, and mother of Harold, King of England.

^{page 281 note v} “Ipse [æthericus] quoque mannum, curiam aditurus, asceiidens, ipsumque calcaribus urgens, Regem adhuc tesserarum vel scacorum ludo longioris tædia noctis relevantem invenit.” Hist. Rames. ap. Gale, vol. i. p. 442.

^{page 281 note x} Sports and Pastimes, Pref. p. iv. He speaks more correctly at p. 232.

^{page 282 note y} The passage is here subjoined. It is, like the greater part of the volume, very obscurely written, and I am indebted to Mr. Price for his help in making any thing of it.

^{page 282 note z} It must at the same time be admitted, that the crusades may have contributed to render the game more generally known. Robert the Monk of St. Remy, who accompanied the first adventurers in 1095, mentions the game of chess (scaci) among the amusements of the Prince of Babylon and his troops, but does not speak of it as a diversion that was new to him. Ap. Bongars, vol. i. 1. 5, p. 51. Fouehe de Chartres, another contemporary and eye-witness, introduces Cor-bagath the Soudan playing at chess (scacisj on the approach of the French host. Ib. vol. i. p.393, from whom William of Malmesbury copies the passage. When Richard T. was in Palestine, he captured a caravan going from Babylon to Jerusalem laden with silks, &c. and among other things “utres et scaccaria.” Brompton, col. 1245. And in 1235, King Louis IX. of France had a present sent to him from the Old Man of the Mountain, or Sheik of the Hassassins, of a set of chess-men made of chrystal and gold, which, I have reason to believe, are still in existence in the Museum of M. Dusomarard, of Paris. See Joinville, p. 86, fol. Par. 1668, and note to the Roman de la Rose, tom. ii. p. 122. Ed. Méon.

^{page 283 note a} Roman de Ron, tom. i. p. 127. Ed. Pluquet.

^{page 283 note b} MS. penes John Gage, Esq. f. 3 b.

^{page 283 note c} Academy of Armoury, pt. ii. book 2, c. 14, xxxii. fol. Chester, 1688. The original MS. is in the Harleian collection, No. 2033.

^{page 283 note d} I quote at second hand (Twiss, i. 106) as the book is not in the Museum.

^{page 284 note e} “Disc. Quæ est ratio Nominis? Mag. Nulla mihi veriorad præsens occurrit, quàm quod Scaccarii lusilis similem habet formam.” Dialog, de Scaccario, ap. Madox, fol. 1711.

^{page 284 note f} Twiss on Chess, vol. ii. p. 175. In the Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 6719–6721, is a fine copy of Widalin's work (which has never been edited) purchased of Professor Thorkelin by Walter Calverley Trevelyan, Esq. who presented it to the Museum. I have not been able to find the passage in it referred to, and the Sturlunga, although printed, has not yet found its way to the library of the Museum.

^{page 284 note g}

^{page 285 note h} Pence.

^{page 285 note i} Yielded.

^{page 285 note k} Reached.

^{page 285 note l} Chess-board.

^{page 285 note m} Courteously.

^{page 285 note n} Faith.

^{page 285 note o} Pledge, slake.

^{page 285 note p} Entered.

^{page 285 note q} Playeth to win, (Icel. at vinna?)

^{page 285 note r} As.

^{page 285 note s} Liberally.

^{page 285 note t} Take.

^{page 285 note u} At that time.

^{page 285 note x} Fytte i. st. 28-31, p. 25, ed. 8vo. 1806.

^{page 286 note y} MS. Reg. 13 A. XVIII. f. 190 b. MS. Cott. Cleop. B. IX. f. 5.

^{page 286 note z} Hyberno vero tempore ad multos dies lecto se continent, atque ludo scaccorum, quorum inventum Xerxi philosopho debetur, exercent: interim famuli cibum illis præparatum ad lectum deferunt.” Islandia, p. 38, 12mo. Lugd. Bat. 1607. The passage is copied into Purchas's Pilgrimage, vol. iv. fol. 1625.

^{page 287 note a} Relation de Islande, p. 56. He afterwards describes a set of enamelled gold chess-men with which he played with the Countess Ulfeld, natural daughter of the King of Denmark. The Kings and Queens were represented crowned, sitting on thrones; the Bishops in their mitres and pontificals; the Knights on horses richly caparisoned; the Rooks were elephants with towers on their backs; and the Pawns, musqueteers. Ib. p. 63.

^{page 287 note b} Cap. 109, p. 139, fol. Lond. 1758.

^{page 287 note c} Letters on Iceland, p. 93. 8vo. Lond. 1780.

^{page 287 note d} Fragments, &c. p. 52.

^{page 287 note e} The original work was published in Danish, 2 vols. 4to. Soröe, 1772, and a translation in French by Gauthier de la Peyronie, appeared in five torn. 8vo. Par. 1802.

^{page 288 note f} Vol i. p. 50. orig. Ed. Tom.i. p. 95, French transl.

^{page 288 note g} Vol. i. p. 186, orig. Tom. i. p. 370, transl. Cf. Von Troil, p. 93.

^{page 288 note h} Tom. i. p. 462, orig. Tom. iii. p. 72, transl.—“Matadorer eller Officiererne kaldes Menn og Skakmenn; Konungr, Kongen; Fru og Drottning, Damen; Biskup, Bispen eller Löberen; Riddare, Springeren; Hrokur (en Kiæmpe eller Fribytter) ligesome i det Franske sprog, Taarnat eller Elephanten. Knegterne kaldes Ped; Skaaka og Maata at sælte Skak og mat.” The French translation makes some confusion in this passage by transferring the name of the Bishop (fou) to the Knight, and vice versa.

^{page 289 note i} See Chalmer's Caledonia, vol. i. 266; Pennant's Tour, 1772, vol. ii. p. 233; Antiq. Celt. Scand. p. 231, and the Saga af Magnusi Berfætta, Tom. iii. p. 209.

^{page 289 note k} Antiq. Celto. Norm. p. 11, 4to. Copenh, 1786.

^{page 290 note l} Torf. Hist. Oread, p. 198, fol. Havn. 1715. Antiq. Celt. Norm. p. 52.

^{page 290 note m} Torf. iii. 461, Spec. Regale, Pref. xx. Fragments of English and Irish History, from the Laxdæla Saga.

^{page 290 note n} In 1248, Harald, King of the Isles, returning from Norway with his bride Cecilia, daughter of the Norwegian monarch, a violent tempest arose, and the whole fleet perished in the waves Chron. of Man. ap. Johnstone, Antiq. Celt. Norm. p. 36.

^{page 290 note o} See Harallds Saga ens Harfagra, cap. 38, Tom. i. 115.