^{page 1 note 1} ‘Description of the Engravings on a German Suit of Armour, made for King Henry VIII, in the Tower of London’, Archaeologia, XXII (1829), 106–13.Google Scholar The paper was read to the Society on 22nd March 1827.

^{page 1 note 2} The armour could have been used perfectly well in the field, but the elaborate nature of the decoration and the steel base described below show that it was not really designed for this purpose.

^{page 2 note 1} A number of armets of similar type survive with the strip—either of iron or brass—still in position: for example, the armet in Cobham church, Kent, and no. H. 54 in the Musée de l'Armée, Paris. Its purpose seems to have been to hold a strap, sandwiched between it and the edge of the cheek-pieces, to which a pendent mail fringe was attached.

^{page 3 note 1} For example, on the bard belonging to the armour. See below, p. 24.

^{page 3 note 2} Probably the red and gold fringe described on p. 30 below.

^{page 4 note 1} The rings survive on the Archduke Charles's armour and the base at New York, illustrated on plates vii, a, v, c.

^{page 5 note 1} I am indebted to Mr. H. R. Robinson of the Tower of London Armouries for drawing my attention to this.

^{page 6 note 1} For a note on Katherine of Aragon's badges see Claremont, F., Catherine of Aragon (London, 1939)Google Scholar, 6566, and Harrison, K. P., ‘Katherine of Aragon's Pomegranate’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, ii, pt. 1 (London, 1954), 88–92.Google Scholar

^{page 7 note 1} Claremont, loc. cit.

^{page 7 note 2} Op. cit., 108.

^{page 7 note 3} p. 67. He also says: ‘It is in contemplation to restore this suit by regilding: that so desirable a work has so long been delayed is only to be regretted.’ Fortunately this project came to nothing.

^{page 7 note 4} Hewitt, J., Ancient Armour and Weapons in Europe, III (London, 1860), 640.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} ‘Urkunden und Regesten aus dem K. K. Statthalterei-Archiv in Innsbruck herausgegeben von Dr. David Schönherr’, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, II (Vienna, 1884), pt. ii.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 2} Dillon, Hon. H. A., ‘Arms and Armour at Westminster, the Tower and Greenwich, 1547’, Archaeologia, LI (1888), 257.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 3} Boeheim, W., ‘Die Waffenschmiede Seusenhofer, ihre Werke und ihre Beziehungen zu Habsburgischen und anderen Regenten’, Jahrbuch der Kh. Slgn., XX (1899), 295–9.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 4} Die Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst. Katalog (Innsbruck, 1954). 66, no. 61.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 5} Where the Austrian sources relating to the armour presented to Henry VIII by Maximilian are concerned I have worked entirely from microfilms—now deposited in the Tower of London Armouries—of the documents listed in the calendar referred to in note 1 above, except in one instance where I was provided with a full transcript. These documents contain almost the whole story of the gift, dut they clearly do not-form a complete series: for example, Maximilian's letter to which the Raitkammer replied on 27th March 1514 (p. 11 below) is missing. A search in the archives at both Innsbruck and Vienna might therefore bring further information to light, though it is unlikely that this would add materially to that already available. In giving the references to the documents I have added their numbers in the calendar between brackets. With the exception of that quoted on p. 14, n. 2, all are in the Tiroler Landesregierungsarchiv at Innsbruck. In the extracts from English documents quoted in both this and the next section I have expanded all contractions.

^{page 9 note 1} British Museum, MS. Cott., Vitell. B. XVIII, no. 13, f 13–13^v.

^{page 9 note 2} Sir Richard Jerningham, a courtier who at this time seems to have been acting as the King's general foreign agent and messenger.

^{page 9 note 3} This might perhaps have read ‘last here’. Wingfield was appointed ambassador to the Emperor on 16th May 1510 and first reached Innsbruck in the following August. See Undreiner, G. J., Robert Wingfield. Erster ständiger englischer Gesandter am deutschen Hof (1464?–1539) (Freiburg, 1932), 10, 12.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 4} See below, p. 13.

^{page 9 note 5} Missiven, 1511, f. 20 (1028). ‘Item hernach volgt die vnnderricht der Platnerei halben am Erstn wiert angezaigt die Arbait so Ich yezo vnnder hannden hab. Annfenngklihn so sein zwen kuryβ die des kunigs von Ennge-lanndt potschaft zu gehören, der maβen berait der ain ist vergult vnnd an stat zvsamen geslagen. Vnd an dem anndern kuryβ verguld ich yezo.… Item yezo sein noch funff kuriβ vnnderhannden zumachen Nemlich dem kunig von Enngland fur sein person ainen kuryβ in aller der-maβn wie des Ylsings gewesen ist, mitsambt ainem solhen Silber geschmeid.’

^{page 10 note 1} Seusenhofer was paid for one of the armours on 16th September 1511. Raitbuch, 1511 (1049). On 9th February 1536 Wingfield wrote as follows to Thomas Cromwell: ‘…I haue had knoowledge from my nephew John Wyngffelde that youre lordshyp hathe a desyre to haue an harneeyse of myne, which maye do vnto you oony pleasyer, wherfor at thys tyme I haue seent to my sayde nephew a Complete harneeyse which was maade for my sylffe at Insbroke in awstryk, ….’ (Public Record Office, S.P. 1/115, f. 250). That the second armour was still in Wingfield's possession at his death is shown by the following bequest in his will: ‘… I giue to my nepwe Richard …. my complett harnes whiche was made at Owsbroke in Allmayn …’ (Somerset House, P.C.C., 33 DYNGELEY).

^{page 10 note 2} Missiven 1510/13, f. 100 (1063).

^{page 10 note 3} For the identification of this armour see below, p. 14.

^{page 10 note 4} Missiven 1512, f. 17 (1064).

^{page 10 note 5} Maximiliana, xi, 28 (1070).

^{page 10 note 6} In their letter of 1st June 1511 enclosing Seusenhofer's report on current work (above, p. 9, n. 5) the administration give the names of the twelve ‘ordinari-plattner’, that is the permanent staff of the armouries, and of the six ‘extraordinariplattner’. The latter were responsible for producing fine-quality armours only, referred to by Seusenhofer in a letter of 5th February 1511 as ‘die subtil arbeit’ (Calendar, 1010). See also Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, 21.

^{page 11 note 1} Missiven, 1512, f. 67 (1075). Incorrectly dated 6th July in the calendar.

^{page 11 note 2} See below, p. 15, n. 2.

^{page 11 note 3} Raitbuch, 1512, f. 84 (1076, 1077).

^{page 11 note 4} These are as follows: 29th July 1512. Letter from Maximilian to the Innsbruck Administration requesting them to pay the cost of making the two armours. Maxi-miliana, xi, 30 (1078). 29th July 1512. Note of the above sent to Paul von Liechtenstein with instructions to try to persuade the Administration to accede to the Emperor's request. Maximiliana, xi, 33 (1079). 12th August 1512. Payment to Seusenhofer for the gilding of the two armours. Raitbuch 1512, f. 84 (1082). 12th October 1512. Payment to Seusenhofer for work on the two armours. Ibid. (1085). 23rd November 1512. Payment to Seusenhofer for the gilding of the Archduke Charles's armour. Ibid. (1087). 23rd February 1513. Payment to Seusenhofer for work on the Archduke Charles's armour and another for the Emperor. Raitbuch 1513, f. 51 (1096). 14th May 1513. Payment to Seusenhofer for the fitting out (aussberaittung)—i.e. with straps, buckles, etc.—of the armours for the King of England and Archduke Charles. Raitbuch 1513, f. iii (1104).

^{page 11 note 5} I have been unable to find any evidence to support the suggestion made in the catalogue of the Innsbruck exhibition (op. cit., 67) that Hans Seusenhofer delivered it to the Archduke in Antwerp in 1514 while on his way to England with Henry's armour.

^{page 11 note 6} Missiven 1514, f. 4 (1151).

^{page 11 note 7} The other is about a completely different matter.

^{page 12 note 1} ‘…dieweil derselb kunig solhs harnnash diser Zeit, wo der Im antzug were, notturfftig sein…möcht’. This may refer to Henry's alliance with Maximilian against the French.

^{page 12 note 2} Embieten und Befehl 1514, f. 390 (1155). ‘Conrad Seusenhofer hofplattnere, sol des kunigs von Enngllanndt ausgemachte kuris, seinern gsannden vberanntburten vnnd daran nichts Irren lassen, vnnd nachdem von Weylend herr pawls von Liechtenstain u[nd] auch dem Camermaister vil auf Raittung derselben arbait Emphanngen vnnd doch noch vill daren, schuldig sein sol deshalben antzaigen vnnd Raittung einlegen alsdann sol dar Inn ordnung gegeben Dernit daβelb auch bezalt vnnd darumb die harnasch vnnd arbait dhain wechs aufgehaltn werdn sol dadurch kay. m^t. auch Regiment vnnd hier Inn Schimphs verhuet Werde.…’

^{page 12 note 3} B.M., MS. Cott., Vitell. B. XVIII, no. 4, ff. 3–4^V. The year is missing from the original letter, but ‘1514’ (altered to 1510) appears in a later hand at the top of the first page. In the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII (Vol. i, 2nd ed., 1920, pt. i, no. 1781) it is calendared without comment under the year 1513. In fact, there can be no doubt that it was written in 1514, for it includes, as a news item, a brief account of the capture of a troop of Imperial cavalry by the Venetians near Pordenone in Friule, an event that took place on 25th March of that year. See Joannis Candidi … Commentarior. Aquileiensium libri octo, 1521 (text dated 1519), f. xxxxii–xxxxii^V; and Paschini, P., Storia del Friuli (3 vols., Udine, 1934–1936), III, 213.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 4} Embieten und Befehl 1514, f. 119 (1160). ‘Kunig zu Enngllanndt kuris vnnd anndern harnnasch. Darauf findt Ime Zwen paβbrieue ainer auf ain truhen mit sein selbs kuris von Ynnsprugg aus, vnnd den anndren auf etlichn harnasch vnd anndrem Zewg in dreyen truhen vnd Zwayen Vassen von Augspurg aus alles in Engllandt Zefuren durch Richard Jarnigam, gegeben worden.…’ Hans von Werdt, ‘Hoftischler’, was paid 2 guilders 24 kreuzers on 1st May for ‘ain Raistruhn zu des Kunig von Ennglland Kurisn’, Raitbuch 1514, f. 101 (1161).

^{page 13 note 1} Raitbuch 1514, f. 101 (1159). ‘Hannsen Seysnhofer gebn am xxviij tag April auf Raittung auf Zerung vnd annder Notturfft dem kunig von Enngllanndt ain kuris von hir ins Nyderlannd oder Enngllanndtt zu antwortn.…’

^{page 13 note 2} ‘aufgemachte kuris’, not ‘aufgemachten kuris’. I am indebted to Dr. Bruno Thomas for drawing my attention to this.

^{page 13 note 3} Raitbuch 1514, f. 101 (1177). ‘Hannsen seysenhofer gebn am xiij tag October zu ganntz betzalung der Zerung vnd Costens, so Er mit dreyen Kurisn zu dem kunig in Enngelland vnd her wider gethan hat.…’

^{page 13 note 4} P.R.O., E. 36/215,312.

^{page 13 note 5} Raitbuch 1514, f. 100 (1168). ‘Conradtn Seysnhofer hofplatner gebn am xij tag Junij in abslag seiner schuld, so Ime die Kay. Mt. von wegen vyer kuris, so Er dem kunig von Enngllannd vnd Ertzhertzog Karln gemacht hat.…’

^{page 13 note 6} Raitbuch 1514, f. 101 (1174). ‘Conradtn Seysenhofer hofplatner gebn am xviij tag August zu ganntz Betzalung des Costen vnd arbeit so auf des kunigs von Enngllannds vnd Ertzherzog Karls Kurissen ganngen ist.…’

^{page 14 note 1} See note 2 below; also Thomas, Bruno, ‘Konrad Seusenhofer Studien’, Konsthistorisk Tidskrift, XVIII (Stockholm, 1949), 39.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 2} Finanzarchiv, Vienna, Gedenkbuch 17, f. 245 (Jahrbuch der Kh. Slgn., III (1885)Google Scholar, pt. ii, no. 2668). ‘Vlrichen Moringer, camermeister, ist geschriben, kais. maj. hab ihr maj. stalmeister herrn Jorgen von Emershofen bevoln, des Ylsings kuris, so kais. maj. kauft hat, vergulten zu lassen, wie dan Cunrad Sewsenhofer bevelh hat. Darauf emphelhet ime kais. mjt., daz er die ducaten zu demselben vergulten, als vil not sein, gebe und daz vergulterlon ausricht und bezall und darzu einen newen samat uber die silbrin beleg desselben kuris bestell.’ I am indebted to Dr. Ortwin Gamber for this transcript.

On 4th August 1510 Seusenhofer received payment for this work. The items listed in the entry in the Innsbruck Raitbuch include a payment to the goldsmith Hermann Daum and another to Walter Zeller ‘fur Schwartzn Samat, frannseydn vnd anndere’, Raitbuch 1510, f. 29 (995).

^{page 14 note 3} No. A. 109 (Innsbruck Exhibition, Cat. no. 62). For the identification of this armour see Boeheim, op. cit., 299.

^{page 14 note 4} See J. and W. Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch, X, pt. 1 (Leipzig, 1905),Google Scholar cols. 1004–5.

^{page 15 note 1} Kunstsachen, i, II (1190). The estimate is for silver, gilding materials, the goldsmith's fee, swords, daggers, spurs, and stirrups.

^{page 15 note 2} See above, p. 11, n. 1. The relevant passage is as follows: ‘… were Seusennhouers guetbeduncken das Yezo auf Erzherzog Karls kurris Sechs marck Silber, vnnd auf ain yede derselbn marck drey ducatn Zuuergulden, dem Goltshmid gen Augspurg geschickt, dagegen möcht man wissen Wieuil Silber vnnd golt, aufs des kunigs von Engellanndt kuris geen wurde. Dann Seusennhouer vermaint, das auf desselben kunig von Enngellanndt kuriβ, noch souil gold vnnd Silbers, als auf Erzherzog Karls, vnnd villeicht mer, als bis in die xvj oder xvij marck Silber, dieweil derselben kunig von leib lanng ist geen wurde, auβerhalb des vergulten, darzu auf ain yede marck wie obstet drey ducatn Zuuergulden, not seyen, so wurde auch der Goltschmidt, von ainer Yeden marck Zemachen, vnnd vergulden, nit mynder sonnder Er mer dann funff guldein R' beyern als dann Herman Goltshmidt hir zu Innsprugg, der Herzog fridrichen von Sachsen dergleichen, von souil Silber vnnd Goldt auch ain kuris belegt vnnd vergult hat, gegeben is.t…’ The armour of Friedrich III of Saxony is included among the five armours that were to be put in hand mentioned in Seusenhofer's report of 1st June 1511 (above, p. 9): ‘Item herzog fridrich von Sachsn ainen kuryβ sol auch sein wie des Ylsings kuris.’ I am informed by Herr J. Schöbel, Director of the Historisches Museum, Dresden, that nothing is known of the fate of this suit.

^{page 15 note 3} Above, p. 8, n. 2. The manuscript containing this part of the inventory is preserved in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries (no. 129B). The extracts quoted here have been copied from the original.

^{page 16 note 1} f. 432 (Dillon, p. 271).

^{page 16 note 2} f. 439 (Dillon, p. 279).

^{page 16 note 3} f 439^V (Dillon, p. 279).

^{page 16 note 4} See, for example, Dillon, op. cit., 252, 257; and F. Cripps-Day, H., Fragmenta Armamentaria, i, pt. iv (privately printed, Frome, 1945), II, 16.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 5} See, for example, Beard, C. R., ‘The Clothing and Arming of the Yeomen of the Guard’, Archaeological Journal, XXXII (1928), 93;Google Scholar George Lovekeyn's inventory referred to on p. 26 below, passim; and Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, ii, pt. ii (1864), 1499, 1490–1511 passim..

^{page 16 note 6} Op. cit., 12.

^{page 17 note 1} The surviving early inventories down to that of 1682 are very fully discussed by F. H. Cripps-Day (op. cit., passim). For the remainder, covering the period 1683–93, see the list in ffoulkes, C. J., Inventory and Survey of the Tower of London Armouries, H.M.S.O., London, 1916, I, 76.Google Scholar Where the armour under discussion here is concerned these merely repeat the description first given in the 1660 inventory (see below, p. 18, n. 5): ‘Masking Armor Compleat reported to be made for King Henry the vijth.’

For a list of printed works dealing with the armouries, most of which mention the armour, see Ibid., 76–78.

^{page 17 note 2} Meyrick, S. R., A Critical Inquiry into Antient Armour (London, 1824), III, 134.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 3} B.M., Harl. MS. 7457, f. II. Another copy of this, handsomely bound and containing an equestrian portrait of Sir George Howard, Master of the Armouries, is preserved amongst the Dartmouth MSS. on loan to the Tower of London Armouries. It is described in the list of gifts presented to Queen Elizabeth I on New Year's Day 1562: ‘By Sir George Howarde a Booke containing thoffice of the Armery couered with blak vellat & bounde with passamayne of siluer with two plates of siluer’ (B.M., Harl. Roll V. 18).

^{page 17 note 4} Op. cit., 258.

^{page 18 note 1} P.R.O., S.P. 14/64/71, f. 4^V. The helmet is not mentioned in the inventory of 1628/9 (P.R.O., S.P. 16/139/94), the only one known between those of 1611 and 1660. But see below, n. 4.

^{page 18 note 2} Historical MSS. Commission, Calendar of the MSS. of the Most Hon. the Marquis of Salisbury preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, pt. xiv (Addenda), H.M.S.O., 1923, 181.Google Scholar This gives the full text of the letter with modernized spelling.

^{page 18 note 3} B.M., Harl. MS. 4898, f. 24.

^{page 18 note 4} The anonymous student of Altdorf, who visited the Tower in 1638, states in his journal that he saw there, among other things, ‘…etliche harnish, so man zu Balleten gebrauchet, Vnd einen absonderlichen, so ein narr soll geführt haben…’ (Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Add. B. 67, 491).

^{page 18 note 5} Among the Dartmouth MSS. on loan to the Tower of London Armouries. Other copies have been published in Archaeologia, XI (1794), 97–104Google Scholar, and Archaeological Journal, IV (1847), 341–54.Google Scholar By this date all the historical armour had been moved from Greenwich to the Tower.

An engraving of ‘Will Summers's Armour’, published by I. Herbert of Pall Mall in 1794, is reproduced by ffoulkes, op. cit.., i, 25.

^{page 18 note 6} Most of the paint was removed in about 1913, but that on the horns remained until some ten years ago. See Dillon, Viscount, Illustrated Guide to the Armouries, Tower of London, H.M.S.O., 1910, 112;Google Scholar and ffoulkes, op. cit., i, 175.

^{page 18 note 7} See Heymann, Mme A., Lunettes et lorgnettes de jadis, Paris, 1911, 11Google Scholar; Prausnitz, G., Das Augenglas in Bildern der kirchlichen Kunst im XV. und XVI.Jahrhundert, Strassburg, 1915Google Scholar, passim; Andrews, Ll., ‘Some Notes on the History of Spectacles’, Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, XLII (1927), 6Google Scholar; Th. Grossmann, ‘Eine erhaltene Nietbrille am Groteskhelm Heinrich VIII (1511)’, Klinische Monatsblätter für Augenheilkunde, cxxix, pt. 4 (Stuttgart, 1956), 559–61.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 19 note 1} For example, tilt-armour (Rennzeug) no. B. 16, probably by Conrad Seusenhofer, in the Waffensammlung, Vienna. Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, no. 85.

^{page 19 note 2} The same passage, almost verbatim, appears in Thomas Boreman's miniature Curiosities of the Tower of London (London, 1741, Book III, 50–51)Google Scholar, despite the fact that it was subscribed for by children. The story of the Jester's wife was probably invented when the Tower Armouries were reorganized, partly as a show place, at the Restoration. M. Jorevin de Rocheford, for example, visited the Tower in 1672 and saw, amongst other things, ‘…the armour of William the Conqueror, with his great sword, and the armour of his Jester, to whose casque was fixed horns; he had, it is said, a handsome wife …’ (quoted by ffoulkes, op. cit.., i, 69–70).

^{page 19 note 3} Hutton, W., A Journey from Birmingham to London (Birmingham, 1785), 208Google Scholar. I am indebted to Mr. E. Bryant for drawing my attention to this.

^{page 19 note 4} Britton, J. and Brayley, E. W. refer to the armour being shown with the helmet in their Memoirs of the Tower of London (London, 1830), 279:Google Scholar the helmet is described by itself in Hewitt's guide of 1841 (op. cit.., 84).

^{page 19 note 5} Op. cit., 257.

^{page 19 note 6} Authorised Guide to the Tower of London, H.M.S.O., 1894, 29.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 7} Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, 72, no. 87.

^{page 20 note 1} Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, 68, nos. 68–70. See also Sir Mann, James, Wallace Collection Catalogues. European Arms and Armour (London, 1962)Google Scholar, i, nos. A. 154 and A. 285–6; Norman, A. V. B., ‘Arms and Armour at Abbotsford’, Apollo, September 1962, 525.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 2} Hewitt, J., Official Catalogue of the Tower Armouries, H.M.S.O., 1859, 5.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 3} The steel base, attributed to Seusenhofer, in the W. H. Riggs collection at the Metropolitan Museum, New York (pl. v, c), may also have belonged to one of these armours. According to Mr. Riggs it came from Prince Soltykoff, who purchased it ‘at a sale of old iron at the Tower, having been informed by Sir Walter Scott, when he met him at a friend's house at dinner, that there was to be a sale at the Tower of old iron, which really consisted of old armour’ (Sir Laking, G. F., A Record of European Armour and Arms, III (London, 1920), 221–2).Google Scholar The etched decoration consists of an overall design of foliage, imitating brocade, quite different from that on the horned helmet and the legs discussed above, while there are no traces of applied ornament. See Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, no. 65.

Riggs's account of the origin of the base can only be accepted with very considerable caution. The sale of old iron from the Tower was presumably the one at which Meyrick obtained a saddle-steel from the Hatton armour, now at Windsor (see Skelton, J., Engraved Illustrations of Antient Armour (Oxford, 1830)Google Scholar, ii, pl. cxxx). Unfortunately, I have so far been unable to trace any detailed information about the sale, but if the base really came from the Tower it is somewhat surprising to find that it is not included in the 1547 inventory of the royal armouries. This makes a careful distinction between armours with bases, armours with tonlets, and ordinary armours, and had a third suit with a steel base existed in the armouries at the time it would almost certainly have been mentioned. In an unpublished letter to F. H. Cripps-Day now in the grangerized copy of the latter's Armour Sales in the library of the Tower of London Armouries, the late Baron C. A. de Cosson states: ‘Riggs … was known to us Paris armour lovers as “le génie de l'inexactitude”.’ The possibility that his account of the history of the base was inaccurate is therefore a very real one.

^{page 21 note 1} See B. Thomas, ‘Konrad Seusenhofer Studien’, 37–70; Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, passim.

^{page 21 note 2} None of the pieces that can be ascribed to Conrad Seusenhofer with certainty bears a mark. These are the horned helmet, the Archduke Charles's armour, and portions of a horse-armour in the Waffensammlung, Vienna (no. A. 69; Innsbrucker Plattnerkunst, nos. 63–64).

^{page 21 note 3} Previously in the Billson and Farquharson collections. I am grateful to Cavaliere Marzoli for providing me with photographs of the helmet.

^{page 21 note 4} Op. cit. iii, 221 and ii, 94.

^{page 21 note 5} A particularly good example is provided by the figures of the three Sanseverino brothers, poisoned in 1516, in the church of Santi Severino e Sosio.

^{page 21 note 6} Sir Mann, James, ‘A Further Account of the Armour preserved in the Sanctuary of the Madonna delle Grazie near Mantua’, Archaeologia, LXXXVII (1928), 311–52Google Scholar, pls. cviii–cx. Note especially armets nos. 4 and 11.

^{page 21 note 7} Lucia, G. de, La Sola d'armi nel Museo dell'Arsenale di Venezia (Rome, 1908), 9–11, no. B. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 8} Mann, ‘A Further Account’, 317–19.

^{page 22 note 1} Nos. G. 7 and G. 10. Both armours are etched with almost exactly the same designs and it is possible that each contains pieces that actually belong to the other. G. 10 is certainly partly composite, though, with the exception of the gauntlets and collar, all its components belong to the same group. A number of other pieces belonging to the group, though unmarked, are in the Musée de l’Armée: for example, cuirass G. 293, pauldrons G. 375, and various parts of composite armour G. 37. In the early catalogues of the Musée de l'Armée G. 7 is called the armour of Louis XI and G. 10 that of Louis de Sancerre.

^{page 22 note 2} Foot-combat armour No. G. 178, once believed to have belonged to Joan of Arc. See Charles Buttin, ‘Une prétendue armure de Jeanne d'Arc', Mémoires de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France, LXXII (1913), 1–56Google Scholar; Niox, Général, Le Musée de l'Armée. Armes et armures anciennes, I (Paris, 1917)Google Scholar, pl. v. The armour came from the old arsenal at Chantilly.

^{page 22 note 3} The attribution seems to have been suggested first by Maurice Maindron in his Les armes (Paris, 1890), 341–2.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 4} I am greatly indebted to the late M. Georges Pauilhac for providing me with information about these pieces.

^{page 23 note 1} For examples with Spanish and Flemish connexions see pls. xii, c, xvii, a, b here; specimens that have been in England from an early date are in the churches at Bury St. Edmunds (St. Mary) and Middle Claydon, Bucks.

^{page 23 note 2} Mann, Wallace Collection Catalogue, i, 130.

^{page 23 note 3} Since this paper was read to the Society Dr. Bruno Thomas and Dr. Ortwin Gamber have come to the same conclusion independently in their ‘L'arte milanese dell'armatura’, Storia di Milano, XI (Milan, 1958), 735.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 4} I am indebted to our Fellow Mr. L. Russell Muirhead for putting me in touch with Mr. Langley.

^{page 23 note 5} Most of these are agreements connected with property, but a few relate to Silva's trade. In view of the examples of his work in the Musée de l'Armée, Paris, it is interesting to note that in one document, dated 2nd August 1531, Silva agrees to deliver 100 armours to certain merchants in Lyons within a given period. Other documents relating to Silva almost certainly exist in the Archivio di Stato di Milano. The references to those discovered so far in the notarial records there are as follows: Notaio Domenico Spanzotta; Filza N. 3093, 10th Mar. 1511. Notaio Lodovico Varesi; Cartella 7991, N. 222, 14th Sept. 1514; Cartella 7992, N. 794, 6th Mar. 1518; Cartella 8001, N. 3798, 16th June 1529; Cartella 8002, N. 3907, 25th Nov. 1529. Notaio Girolamo Corio; Cartella 4950, N. 1983, 29th Sept. 1513; Cartella 4953, N. 2981, 22nd May 1518. Notaio Benedetto q. Tommaso Castiglioni: Filza N. 7010, N. 468 1/2, 7th May 1527; Filza N. 7013, N. 5477 1/2, 17th Dec. 1530; Filza 7015, N. 5782, 2nd Aug. 1531; Filza 7015, N. 5841, 5th Mar. 1532; Filza 7015, N. 5833, 22nd Mar. 1532; Filza 7016, N. 6036, 14th May 1532; Filza 7016, N. 6061, 6th June 1533; Filza 7020, N. 6833, 30th May 1536; Filza 7020, N. 6966, ist Oct. 1537; Filza 7022, N. 7476, 28th Aug. 1539; Filza 7023, N. 7710, 18th Jan. 1539; Filza 7023, N. 7742, 29th Jan. 1539; Filza 7026, N. 8567, 9th Mar. 1542; Filza 7026, N. 8568, 9th Mar. 1542; Filza 7026, N. 8617, 6th Nov. 1542; Filza 7026, N. 8641, 25th Sept. 1542; Filza 7027, N. 9052, 22nd July 1544; Filza 7027, N. 9139, 28th Mar. 1544; Filza 7031, N. 9819 1/2 and 2/3, 18th Oct. 1547; Filza 7031, N. 9884, 9th Mar. 1547; Filza 7031, N. 9908, 18thMar, 1547; Filza 7032, N. 10119, 6th Aug. 1548; Filza 7033, N. 10335,10th Nov. 1549; Filza 7033, N. 10340, 14th Nov. 1549; Filza 7033, N. 10447, 28th May 1549; Filza 7033, N. 10448, 28th May 1549.

^{page 24 note 1} It can almost certainly be identified with the following entry in the 1547 inventory among objects in the ‘seconde House’ at Greenwich: ‘Item upon the Seconde horse a Stele Saddell covered wt blacke clothe A Barbe of Stele and Crynnyan and A Chaffron all guilte and silvered and A base cote of blacke vellet embrodered wt Clothe of Golde’ (f. 439^V; Dillon, 279). When Meyrick reorganized the Horse Armoury at the Tower in 1826Google Scholar he found the bard completely covered with black paint. See Meyrick, ‘Engraving on a German Suit of Armour’, 106.

^{page 24 note 2} Similar rivets are found on the helmet of Henry VIII's ‘tonlet’ armour at the Tower (below, p. 36 n. 1). Too much significance should not be attached to this as similarly decorated rivets are not uncommon.

^{page 25 note 1} See below, p. 30.

^{page 26 note 1} S.P. 1/29, 191 ff.

^{page 26 note 2} i, 96–97.

^{page 26 note 3} Op. cit., I, pt. ii (Frome, 1934), 63.Google Scholar

^{page 26 note 4} Op. cit., 66, no. 61.

^{page 26 note 5} Archives du Nord, Lille, B. 2191, f. 353. I am greatly indebted to M. Françis Buttin both for drawing my attention to this entry and for providing me with a copy of a transcript made for his father, the late Charles Buttin. here seems to be no reason for identifying Vrelant with the ‘Powle armorer’ mentioned in an account of the London Cutlers’ Company for 1497–8, as suggested by Cripps-Day, F. H., op. cit., I, pt. V (London, 1952), 104.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 1} Juan, Conde Vdo de Valencia de Don, Catálogo histórico-descriptivo de la Real TArmeria de Madrid (Madrid, 1898), 9–10.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 2} See Blair, C., ‘Arms and Armour from Spain’, The Connoisseur, August 1960, 16;Google Scholar also ‘Church Armour’, Ibid., May 1961, 294.

^{page 27 note 3} P.R.O., E. 101/418/2.

^{page 27 note 4} B.M. Stowe MS. 146, f. 125.

^{page 27 note 5} P.R.O., S.P. 1/13, 178.

^{page 27 note 6} P.R.O., E. 36/215, 338, 356, and 366.

^{page 28 note 1} P.R.O., E. 36/215, 383, 387, and 441.

^{page 28 note 2} P.R.O., E. 36/217, ff. 248 and 251. In one entry the name is given as ‘powyll‘Powll’ for ‘Paul’ is quite common in fifteenth and sixteenth-century documents. See, for example, p. 30 n. 1.

^{page 28 note 3} P.R.O., C. 66/627, mem. 11.

^{page 28 note 4} I have been able to trace the following warrants authorizing payment of the annuity in the Public Record Office: initial authorization setting out the terms of the patent in full, and bearing the same date (E. 404/90, 5); authorizations of half-yearly payments, dated 22nd May and 6th October 1517, and 21st April 1518 (E. 404/91). The only record of the annuity traceable in the Tellers' Rolls of the Exchequer of Receipt is of a half-yearly payment made at Michaelmas 1517 (E. 405/90, mem. 30^V).

^{page 28 note 5} P.R.O., E. 36/217, f. 87.

^{page 28 note 6} P.R.O., E. 36/216, p. 150.

^{page 28 note 7} Ibid., p. 256.

^{page 28 note 8} Archives du Nord, Lille, Registre de compte de la recette générale des finances, B. 2294, f. 322^V. I am indebted to M. P. de Saint-Aubin, Archiviste en chef du Nord, for a copy of this entry.

^{page 29 note 1} He may have returned to Brussels during the period when his name is not found in the English records, that is between April 1518 and January 1520.

^{page 29 note 2} Valencia de Don Juan, op. cit., 180.

^{page 29 note 3} B.M. Egerton MS. 2604. The series of surviving Books of King's Payments does not start again until October 1528 (P.R.O., E. 101/420/11).

^{page 29 note 4} P.R.O., S.P. 1/8, f. 56^V, Dillon, ‘Feathers and Plumes’, Archaeological Journal, LIII (1896), 126–39.Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 1} Publications of the Huguenot Society of London, x, pt. 1; Returns of Aliens dwelling in the City and Suburbs of London. Edited by R. E. G. & E. F. Kirk. Part I, 1523–1571 (Aberdeen, 1900), 20, 153, and 196. His name is given variously as ‘Powlle Freland’, ‘Polle Frelond’, and ‘Paulus Frelond’.

^{page 30 note 2} Somerset House, P.C.C. 18 BUCKE. He describes himself as the king's feather-maker of the parish of St. Peter within the Tower of London, and orders that his body shall be buried in St. Peter's or where it shall please his executors. He was apparently buried elsewhere, as the registers of the Chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula, which survive for this period, contain no record of his burial. Unfortunately, the original will no longer survives at Somerset House. It has not been possible, therefore, to compare the signature with that on the receipt mentioned on p. 27 above.

^{page 30 note 3} Pauline Cowbridge. She died at the age of about seventeen, probably in 1564 when she made her will leaving her grandfather's Brussels property to her father William Cowbridge, Citizen and Goldsmith of London. Westminster City Library, Buckingham Palace Rd., Westminster Commissary Court, 234 BRACY. I am indebted to Mr. David Ransome for drawing my attention to this will.

^{page 30 note 4} P.R.O., E 36/217, f. 241.

^{page 31 note 1} See Thomas, and Gamber, , ‘L'arte milanese’, 749–54; Sir James Mann, ‘Notes on the Armour of the Maximilian Period and the Italian Wars’, Archaeologia, LXXIX (1929), 226Google Scholar, 229–30, 238–40; idem, ‘Notes on the Armour Worn in Spain from the Tenth to the Fifteenth Century’, Ibid., lxxxiii (1933), 293–5, 297–300; idem, ‘Armour in Essex’, Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, N.S., XXII (1939), 284–6Google Scholar, 287–8, 293. For the many helmets of Italian type in English churches see Laking, op. cit., ii, 88–94; v, 154–273.

^{page 31 note 2} Göbel, H., Wandteppiche, Part I (Leipzig, 1923), vol. I, 309Google Scholar, vol. ii, pls. 267–8. See also the tapestry from the same series in the Museo Municipale, Padua (Mann, ‘Armour of the Maximilian Period’, pl. LXXXI).

^{page 31 note 3} See, for example, Giraud, J. B., Documents pour servir à l'histoire de l'armement au moyen âge et à la Renaissance (Lyon, 1895–1904), I, 179–92Google Scholar, ii, 9–56; Laking, op. cit., i, 1–liv.

^{page 31 note 4} Many of the Italianate helmets in English churches, mentioned in n. 1 above, may have been made in this country or in Flanders. See also Mann, ‘Armour of the Maximilian Period’, 229–30.

^{page 32 note 1} Op. cit., i, pt. ii, 8.

^{page 32 note 2} P.R.O., E. 36/215, 348. The armourer was probably Jacques de Merveilles: see Giraud, op. cit.., ii, 9–59.

^{page 32 note 3} Ibid., 9; Cripps-Day, F. H., The History of the Tournament in England and in France (London, 1918), 125–6.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 4} The others are on: (1) An armour of c. 1510–15 in the Waffensammlung, Vienna (no. A. 78), once called that of Albrecht Achilles, Kurfürst von Brandenburg (1414–86). This was included in the Innsbruck Exhibition (no. 66), but I am informed by Dr. Bruno Thomas that it is now no longer regarded as being certainly of Innsbruck workmanship. (2) Augsburg armour from the Dino Collection in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (no. 04.3.286). The base here is quite short. See Grancsay, S. V., Loan Exhibition of Mediaeval and Renaissance Arms and Armor from the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Los Angeles County Museum, 1953), 8Google Scholar, no. 4; Cosson, Baron C. A. de, Le cabinet d'armes de Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, duc de Dino (Paris, 1904)Google Scholar, no. A. 4 (3). German (?) armour of c. 1520 in the Musée de l'Armée, Paris (no. G. 13). The base here is again quite short. See Niox, op. cit., pl. x.

^{page 32 note 5} Post, Paul, ‘Ein frührenaissance Harnisch von Konrad Seusenhofer mit Ätzung von Daniel Hopfer im Berliner Zeughaus’, Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, XLIX (Berlin, 1928), 167–86Google Scholar. The bard accompanying the armour was returned to the Museum für deutsche Geschichte, Berlin, by the Russians in 1959 but nothing is known of the present whereabouts of the armour itself. The base, which was slightly incomplete, did not belong to it (see Thomas, Konrad Seusenhofer Studien, 46).

^{page 33 note 1} Above, p. 20, n. 3.

^{page 33 note 2} These features include ‘humped’ pauldrons formed of upward-lapping lames of more or less equal width, articulated on straps only; and breastplates that overlap a narrow waist-lame. See Blair, C., ‘New Light on Four Almain Armours’, Connoisseur, August 1959, 17–20Google Scholar; December 1959. 240–4.

^{page 34 note 1} P.R.O., E. 36/1, 52.

^{page 34 note 2} The list is reproduced by ffoulkes, C. J. in The Armourer and his Craft (London, 1912), 27–28.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 3} I am very grateful to M. Jean Squilbeck, Director of the Musée royal d'Armes et d'Armures, Brussels, for the information that the name de Fever or le Fever is a common one in Belgium. M. Squilbeck also informs me that in 1496 ‘Jehan Watt, armurier à Bruxelles, fournit 22 rondelles pour servir à une joute à Bruxelles et le louage de 2 harnais complets pour l'Archiduc s'en servir à icelle joute’ (Archives du Nord, Chambre des comptes, acquits de 1492–1495); and that Jean Wats ‘Wapenmakere’, presumably the same person, was living in ‘Arendeystraat’, Brussels, in 1517/18 (Liber censualis Martini Davidts presbiteri villici capitalis ecclesiae beatae Gudulae 1517–18). Another Brussels armourer in the service of Henry VIII may have been the John van Founten ‘mylman glasier harnesium Regis', the payment of whose wages, along with those of Fevers and de Watte, is recorded in the Tellers' Rolls of the Exchequer of Receipt for 1513 and 1514 (P.R.O., E. 405/86–88). A payment to his widow Edith is recorded in the Chamber Account for February 1516 (P.R.O., E. 36/215, 427).

^{page 34 note 4} For example, P.R.O., E. 36/215, 366, 378, 395, 410, 419, 430, 434, 437, 457, 467, 470, 483, 487, 499, 507, 521, 531, 540, 555.

^{page 34 note 5} Ibid., 555.

^{page 34 note 6} P.R.O., E. 36/216, 39.

^{page 34 note 7} P.R.O., S.P. 3/IX, 50.

^{page 35 note 1} B.M. Stowe MS. 146, f. 134. Fevers's petition is incorporated in the warrant.

^{page 35 note 2} Archivio di Stato di Milano, Fondo notarile: Notaio Domenico Spanzotta, Filza N. 3093. I am greatly indebted to Dr. Bruno Boni of Milan for having this document transcribed for me. It is briefly noted in Emilio Motta's ‘Armaiuoli milanesi nel periodo Visconteo-Sforzesco’, Archivio Storico Lombardo, serie quinta, anno XLI, parte prima (Milan, 1914), 225–6.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 3} P.R.O., E. 36/1, 50. £6. 13s. 4d. is one-twelfth of the annual salary of £80 promised to the armourers in the agreement, that is one month's wages.

^{page 35 note 4} Exchequer of Receipt warrants, P.R.O., E. 404/89, no. 100. See also B.M. Egerton MS. 986, f. 58.

^{page 35 note 5} His name first appears in the list of wages of the Household of 1525 (B.M. Egerton MS. 2604). See also Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, V (London, 1880), no. 1303.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 1} Other armours at the Tower made for Henry VIII that can be attributed tentatively to the armourers of Milan are the bard no. VI. 13–16, and the ‘tonlet’ armour for foot combat in the lists, no. II. 7. Both are fluted and decorated with etching of rather similar character, that on the former including Tudor roses and portcullises, and that on the latter Tudor roses, the collar of the Order of the Garter, the Garter itself, and figures of the Virgin and Child and of St. George. All this decoration has every appearance of having been executed in England. The helmet of II. 7 was clearly not made originally for the armour, though it is decorated en suite and by the same hand. The gorget does not fit properly over the neck-flange of the cuirass and, though it has always been secured to the latter by screws, it is pierced at the back with rivetholes for the attachment of a buckle fastening. It appears, in fact, to have been designed originally for the tourney on horseback with clubs or rebated swords, for the visor is pierced with fairly large ventilation slits. During the working life of the helmet these last have been covered on the inside with riveted plates pierced with the small holes characteristic of a helmet designed for foot-combat. In view of these alterations the fact that the skull bears marks used by the Missaglia workshop of Milan does not mean that the whole suit was made there. It should be noted that the armour must once have formed part of a garniture, for the legs, discovered a few years ago at Scrivelsby by Sir James Mann, have spur-slits at the heels. See also above, p. 24 n. 2.

^{page 36 note 2} See L'Oplomachia Pisano, ovvero la Battaglia del Ponte di Pisa descritta da Camillo Ranier Borghi (Lucca, 1713)Google Scholar, and Heywood, W., Palio and Ponte (London, 1904), 93–37.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 3} Above, p. 30.

^{page 37 note 1} Kienbusch, C. O. von and Grancsay, S. V., The Bashford Dean Collection of Arms and Armor (Portland, Maine, 1933), 129Google Scholar, no. 44. I am informed by Mr. Grancsay that nothing is known of the history of this helmet before it entered the Bashford Dean Collection.

^{page 37 note 2} Boeheim, Wendelin, Kunsthistorische Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses. Führer durch die Waffen-Sammlung (Vienna, 1889), 23,Google Scholar no. 60. The pieces were transferred to Budapest in 1934.

^{page 37 note 3} Valencia de Don Juan, op. cit., 3–5.

^{page 37 note 4} ffoulkes, Inventory and Survey, i, 199–200. The flanchards, which had somehow escaped from the Armouries, were recovered from the London dealer Samuel Pratt in May 1837, in exchange for a fluted cuisse, a pair of plain cuisses, a ‘Garde de Bras’ and ‘2 Cavalier Helmets’ (P.R.O., W.O. 47/1752, 4893–6).

^{page 37 note 5} Loc. cit., 26 n. 1.

^{page 37 note 6} See above, p. 16.

^{page 38 note 1} Op. cit., 4, n. 2.

^{page 38 note 2} Thomas and Gamber, ‘L'arte milanese’, 732–3; Grand, Commandant G., Histoire d'Arbois, 2nd edn. (Besançon, 1959), 310–11.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 1} An excellent series of tracings of the scenes was made for Meyrick by George Lovell, the distinguished designer of military firearms. They are reproduced in Meyrick's article on the armour (above, p. I, n. 1).

^{page 39 note 2} See, for example, Guérin, P. G., Vie des saints d'après les Bollandistes, 10th edn., IV (Paris, 1890), 668–71Google Scholar; Ellis, F. S. (editor), The Golden Legend or Lives of the Saints as Englished by William Caxton, London, n.d. [c. 1900], VI, 198–205Google Scholar; Lapparent, Comte de, L'Art et les saints. Sainte Barbe, Paris, 1926Google Scholar; ‘Some Legends of St. Barbara. The Patron Saint of Artillerymen’, Journal of the Royal Artillery, LXXI (1944), 216–20Google Scholar; Lockwood, W. B., ‘A Manuscript in the Rylands Library and Flemish-Dutch and Low German Accounts of the Life and Miracles of Saint Barbara’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester, vol. XXXVI, no. 1 (September 1953), 23–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gaiffier, Baudouin de, ‘Le triptyque du Maître de la légende de Sainte Barbe. Sources littéraires de l'iconographie’, Revue beige d'archéologie et d'histoire de l'art, xxviii, pt. 1–2 (Antwerp, 1959), 3–23.Google Scholar

The historical existence of St. Barbara is no longer accepted by the Roman Catholic Church. See The Catholic Encyclopedia, II (London, 1907), 284–5Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 3} Maximinus Thrax (235–8) or Maximianus Daja (305–13). Catholic Encyclopedia, loc. cit.

^{page 39 note 4} In a Tuscan painting at the Vatican showing a similar scene the building is quite clearly a tower. See Kaftal, G., Saints in Italian Art. Iconography of the Saints in Tuscan Painting (Florence, 1952), 126.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 5} This scene is described in the Golden Legend.

^{page 39 note 6} I am unable to explain this and the other letters found in the scenes on the bard. Meyrick's suggestion that the letter ‘L' here is ‘a political sarcasm of the day, aimed at the King of France’, Louis XII, seems improbable (‘Engravings on a German Suit of Armour’, 112).

^{page 40 note 1} See, for example, Guérin, op. cit. ii, 120–22; Golden Legend, iii, 126–34; Budge, E. A. Wallis, The Martyrdoms and Miracles of St. George of Cappadocia. The Coptic Texts edited with an English Translation, Oriental Texts Series, i (London, 1888)Google Scholar; idem, George of Lydda (London, 1930).Google Scholar

For an account of the historical St. George see The Catholic Encyclopedia, VI (London, 1909), 453–55Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 2} Catholic Encyclopedia, loc. cit.

^{page 40 note 3} This would seem to establish beyond doubt that the figure is that of the Emperor. See, for example, the similar figure on the Borman altar-piece discussed below, and the figures of the Three Kings on the contemporary Brabançon altar-piece in the Victoria and Albert Museum (no. 1049–1855).

^{page 41 note 1} See, for example, Friedländer, Max J., Die altniederländische Malerei, viii–xi (Berlin, 1930–1933)Google Scholar, passim; Destrée, J., ‘Éludes sur la sculpture brabançonne au Moyen Âge’, Chapter IV, Annates de la société d'archéologie de Bruxelles, XIII (1899), 273 ff.Google Scholar; d’Altena, Comte J. de Borchgrave, Les Retables brabançons (Brussels, 1942)Google Scholar; Hosten, E. and Strubbe, Eg. I., Illustrated Catalogue of the Municipal Fine-Art Museum of Bruges, 3rd edn. (Bruges, 1948), nos. 214–15.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 2} Borchgrave dapos;Altena, op. cit.

^{page 41 note 3} d'Altena, Borchgrave, Le Retable de Saint Georges de Jan Borman (Brussels, 1947).Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 4} Hosten and Strubbe, op. cit., no. 214. I have been unable to trace any Western version of the legend in which the brazen ox is mentioned. It occurs, however, in the Coptic texts, for example an encomium in commemoration of St. George ascribed to the fifth-century Bishop ol Ancyra, Theodotus: ‘… and [they] cast him into a brass ox, and they heated the ox which the blessed man was in for three days with vine and cypress wood. And the Lord looked upon the sufferings of the righteous man and came to him upon a cloud, and extinguished the fire under him, and healed all his body; and the brazen ox split asunder. And the blessed George came forth like one who has been bathing in a bath …’. See Wallis Budge, Martyrdoms etc., 298; cf. also 214.