¹ Walbran, J. R., Memorials of the Abbey of St. Mary of Fountains, II, pt. I, Surtees Soc. LXVII (1876), pp. 112 and 123, further cited as Memorials, II.Google Scholar

² Memorials, II, pp. 107–13 and 145–58.

³ Reeve, J. A., A Monograph on the Abbey of St. Mary of Fountains (London, 1892).Google Scholar

⁴ Hope, W. H. St. J., ‘Fountains Abbey’, Yorks. Arch. J. XV (1900), 269–402.Google Scholar

⁵ Gilyard-Beer, R., ‘Fountains Abbey, the early building’, Arch. J. CXXV (1968), 313–18; excavations by R. J. Mercer in 1969 (unpublished). A manuscript report is deposited with the Inspectorate of Ancient Monuments, 23 Savile Row, London WIX 2HE.Google Scholar

⁶ G. Coppack, ‘The excavation of an outer court building, perhaps the woolhouse, at Fountains Abbey, North Yorkshire’, Med. Arch, (forthcoming).

⁷ Walbran, J. R., Memorials of the Abbey of St. Mary of Fountains, I, pp. 1–129, Surtees Soc. XLII (1862), cited hereafter as Memorials, I.Google Scholar

⁸ Probably compiled by Abbot John Greenwell (1442–71) and published in Memorials, I, pp. 130–53. See also Clay, C. T., ‘The early abbots of Yorkshire Cistercian houses’, Yorks. Arch. J. XXXVI (1955), 8–43.Google Scholar

⁹ Bethell, D., ‘The foundation of Fountains Abbey and the state of St. Mary's, York, in 1132’, (J. Eccles. Hist., XVII (1966), 11–27).CrossRefGoogle ScholarBaker, L. G. D., ‘The foundation of Fountains Abbey’, Northern Hist., IV (1969), 29–43.CrossRefGoogle ScholarId., ‘The genesis of English Cistercian chronicles. The foundation history of Fountains Abbey’, Analecta Cisterciensia, XXV (1969), 14–41, and xxxi (1975), 179–212.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For the calculation of the date see Memorials, I, p. 128, n. 6 and Analecta Cist., XXV (1969), 28.Google Scholar

¹¹ Memorials, I, pp. 122, n. 17 and 128, n. 6; Analecta Cist. XXV (1969), 39.Google Scholar

¹² Bethell, op. cit. (note 9) and Analecta Cist., passim.

¹³ Analecta Cist, XXV (1969), 26.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See note 9.

¹⁵ Memorials, I, pp. 35, 48, 49, 56.

¹⁶ For instance, he describes the foundation of Meaux in 1151 immediately after the foundation of Kirkstall and Vaudey in 1147, and then goes on to deal with the controversy over the succession to the archbishopric of York in 1140–7.

¹⁷ Patrologia Latina, CLXXXV, col. 238.

¹⁸ Petri Cantoris Verbum Abbreviatum, in Patrologia Lat. ccv, col. 257.

¹⁹ Baker, Northern Hist., op. cit. (note 9), 37.

²⁰ Henry I's charter of 1133: monachis in ea secundum regulam Sancti Benedicti viventibus. Thurstan's supposed foundation charter, which must be of 1135 or later, but probably repeats earlier material: quoniam isti secundum regulam Beati Benedicti se vivere professi sunt. W. Farrer (ed.), Early Yorkshire Charters, I (1914), nos. 61 and 62.Google Scholar

²¹ The date given by Cistercian calendars: see Clay, C. T. in Yorks. Arch. J. XXIV (1936), 364Google Scholar, n. 2. Also Janauschek, L., Originum Cisterciensium (1877), p. 37.Google Scholar

²² Early Yorkshire Charters, I, no. 63.

²³ Memorials, I, p. 20. The first Savigniac plantation in Yorkshire did not come until 1138, when monks from Calder crossed the Pennines and settled at Hood. But these future monks of Byland were not the only Savigniacs wandering the North in search of a patron. Abbot Philip of Byland, speculating later on how Peter de Quinciano and his fellow Savigniacs had maintained themselves before the foundation of Fors in 1145, suggested that they might have attached themselves to the household of Earl Alan of Richmond: Qualiter autem, aut quibus ex causis idem Frater Petrus cum caeteris sociis suis de Savigneo in Angliam venit, incertum habetur, nisi quod creditur ipsos moram traxisse in curia Alani comitis Britanniae et Richmundiae (Monasticon Anglicanum, V, p. 568). Byland itself attached the laybrother Lingulph to the household of Roger de Mowbray (ibid., p. 350). Lack of a permanent home did not imply lack of peripatetic Savigniac monks in the twelfth century.

²⁴ Thurstan's letter says dimidium ferme annum (Memorials, I, p. 11). As the purpose of the letter was to forestall any approach to Canterbury by Abbot Geoffrey, it must have been written immediately after the secession, in October. But it has to be remembered that there are two versions of the letter and opinion is divided on the question of which, if either, is genuine. The most recent assessment is that it is not a letter but a ‘composite text put together some years after the events it describes’: Analecta Cist., XXV (1969), 17.Google Scholar

²⁵ … in vigilia Apostolorum Petri et Pauli (Memorials, I, p. 13).

²⁶ … usque post nativitatem Beatae Mariae (ibid., p. 23).

²⁷ Erat autem annus egressionis eorum de coenobio Eboraci, ab incarnatione Domini millesimo centesimo tricesimo secundo, pridie nonas octobris (ibid., p. 10).

²⁸ Interea, instat dies natalis Domini (ibid., p. 31).

²⁹ The date is given in the President Book: Anno Domini 1132, qui fuit annus Henrici Regis primi xxxiii^us et Thurstini Archiepiscopi xviii^us sexto kl. Januarii, et in festo sancti Johannis Evangelistae, idem Thurstinus fundavit Monasterium de Fontibus, ebdomada xi^ma quinta die egressionis de coenobio Eboraci (ibid., p. 130).

³⁰ Gowland, T. S., ‘The Manors and Liberties of Ripon,’ Yorks. Arch. J. XXXII (1934), 71.Google Scholar

³¹ Deuteronomium, XXXII.10. For Fountains see Memorials, I, p. 2; for Clairvaux, Patrologia Lat. CLXXXV, col. 241; for Kirkstead, Monasticon Anglicanum, v, p. 418; for Broomhall, . Flower, C. T. and Dawes, M. C. B. (eds.), Registrum Simonis de Gandavo, Canterbury and York. Soc. XL and xli (1934), pp. 732–3).Google Scholar

³² For Fountains: locum a cunctis retro seculis inhabitatum, spinis consitum, et inter convexa montium et scopulos hinc inde prominentes; ferarum latebris quam humanis usibus, ut videbatur, magis accomodum (Memorials, I, p. 32). For Durham: ‘w^ch was inculta tellus a barbarus and rude place replenished with nothinge but thornes and thick woods’ (J. T. Fowler (ed.), The Rites of Durham, Surtees Soc. CVII (1902), p. 71). Compare also Fontevrault: Locus erat incultus et squalidus, spinetis obsitus et vepribus, ab antiquo Fons Evraldi nuncupatus, ab hominum cohabitatione sequestratus (Vita B. Roberti de Arbrissello, in Patrologia Lat. CLXII cols. 1051–2).Google Scholar

³³ Qui locus in episcopatu Cabilonensi situs, & pro nemoris spinarumque tune temporis opacitate accessui hominum insolitus, a solis feris inhabitabatur (Nomasticon Cisterciense, p. 55).

³⁴ Non est domus ad inhabitandum, non locus ad divertendum; nullum contra aeris inclementiam solatium, nisi quantum prominentes hinc inde rupes praestiterunt (Memorials, I, pp. 33–4).

³⁵ Nulla ibi ligna dolata, nulla saxa complanata, sed pauper tugurium et pastorum quasi tabernaculum humili desuper cespite contectum (ibid., p. 34).

³⁶ Per diem se operi accingunt, alii mattas plectentes, alij de vicina silva virgas cedentes unde oratorium construatur (ibid., p. 35).

³⁷ Ibid., pp. 36–7.

³⁸ Baker, Northern Hist. (op. cit. (note 9)), 37.

³⁹ See the last words of St. Bernard's letter to Prior Alexander: Si quid deestfrater Gaufridus viva voce supplebit (Memorials, I. p. 37).

⁴⁰ Ad ejus consilium casas erigunt, ordinant officinas (ibid., p. 47).

⁴¹ Ibid., pp. 48–9.

⁴² Pulmentaria sepius ex foliis fagi conficiebant (Patrologia Lat. CLXXXV, col. 241).

⁴³ I am indebted to Professor R. Nordhagen and Professor Sir H. Godwin for this information.

⁴⁴ Crowland: Monasticon Anglicanum, v, p. 99. Morimond: Aubert, M., L'Architecture cistercienne en France, I (Paris, 1947), p. 49.Google Scholar Melrose: Coulton, G. G., Scottish Abbeys and Social Life (Cambridge, 1933), p. 201.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ … Panem unum da pauperi, panem et dimidium operariis reserva; nobis autem provideat Dominus sicut vult (Memorials, I. p. 50).

⁴⁶ Ibid., p. 51.

⁴⁷ Comfortati sunt fratres ex hiis quae acciderant, et donum Dei intelligentes, apportatam pecuniam prudenter dispensabant. Pauperum usibus pars prima dedicatur, pars quaedam fabricae deputatur, residuum in monasterio sanctorum necessitatibus reservatur (ibid., p. 53).

⁴⁸ Serlo being described as vir magnarum rerum, dives in possessione argenti et auri, whilst Tosti was homo dives et nummosus (ibid., p. 53).

⁴⁹ Early Yorkshire Charters, I, no. 63.

⁵⁰ The number of monks at Fountains cannot be estimated with any degree of accuracy at this time. To the original thirteen there had been added seventeen novices (Memorials, I, p. 48), as well as Dean Hugh and his two companions, so that the convent numbered at least thirty-three in 1135. By 1138 there must have been appreciably more, for further increases are mentioned twice before the foundation of Newminster (ibid., pp. 57, 75). Rapid growth is also indicated by the abbey's ability to send out thirty-nine monks to found new houses between January 1138 and February 1139, the General Chapter of 1134 having decreed that each new colony should consist of thirteen monks (Canivez, J. M. (ed.), Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis (Louvain, 1933),I, p. 15. Nomasticon Cisterciense, p. 215).Professor Aubert (op. cit. (note 44) I, p. 86) cites E. Martène and U. Durand's Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum for another decree requiring the mother-house to have a complement of sixty before sending out a colony, but the reference he gives does not support his statement, nor does any such enactment appear to be recorded in the Statuta, the Nomasticon, or elsewhere in the Thesaurus.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Grants by Count Alan of Brittany, Eustace FitzJohn, Adam FitzSwain, and Aaliz de Gant. Early Yorkshire Charters, I, nos. 76 and 79; IV, no. 18; Lancaster, W. T. (ed.), Fountains Chartulary, I (Leeds, 1915), p. 15; II, p. 705.Google Scholar

⁵² Knowles, M. D., ‘The case of St. William of York’, Cambridge Hist. J. V (1936), 162–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵³ Ibid., 173.

⁵⁴ Memorials, I, p. 102, n. 1.

⁵⁵ Serlo did not leave Fountains for Barnoldswick until 19th May 1147.

⁵⁶ Slant prope, sacer Me conventus; et edificia, in suo sudore constructa, non sine cordis dolore, vident flammis involvi, cineres mox futura. Solum illis, in tanto discrimine, salvatur oratorium cum officinis contiguis, orationis, ut creditur, usibus reservatum, ipsumque semiustum, sicut torris raptus de incendio (ibid., p. 101).

⁵⁷ Abbas sanctus, ante basim altaris prostratus, orationi incumbit. Non videtur ab aliquo, non laeditur ab aliquo, manus enim Domini protexit eum (ibid., p. 102). Sed ipsum in ecclesia de Fontibus in oratione prostratum atque in conspectu et praesentia illorum constitutum, Deo illos excaecante, minime reperientes, caecitate et insania provocati, ipsum monasterium de Fontibus combusserunt (Bond, E. A. (ed.), Chronica Monasterii de Melsa, I, Rolls Series, XLIII (1866), p. 115.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ … lapsa reparant, ruinosa reformant, et sicut scriptum est, ‘lateres ceciderunt, sed quadris lapidibus reedificatur’ (Memorials, I, p. 102).

⁵⁹ Adjuvabant eos de vicinia viri fideles, et consurgit fabrica longe festivior quam ante fuit (Memorials, I, p. 102).

⁶⁰ Honoravit ministerium suum vir sanctus, instauravit ecclesiae fabricam, edificia construxit sumptuosa (ibid., p. 114).

⁶¹ St. J. Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 281, n. 3. For the masonry details of the junction see Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 5. But see also p. 178 for an alternative interpretation of Pipewell's work.

⁶² Fountains Chartulary, II, p. 588. Fowler, J. T. (ed.), Memorials of Ripon, II, Surtees Soc. LXXVIII (1884), p. 255.Google Scholar

⁶³ Partly because it refers to William FitzHerbert in terms not likely to have been used after his canonization in 1226 (Analecta Cist., XXV (1969), 39)Google Scholar and partly because it does not mention the placing of Jerpoint and Monasterevin under the jurisdiction of Fountains in 1227/8 as a result of the Conspiracy of Mellifont (Analecta Cist., XXXI (1975), 179, n. 1).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ … et aggresus est pro magnitudine animi ejus magnum inchoare, novam scilicet fabricam ecclesiae Fontanensis, opus inusitatum et admirandum, feliciter inchoatum, sed felicius consummatum … fundamentum fabricae posuit, columnas quasdam erexit … Et factum est inusitatum quiddam in hac parte quod tres sibi Johannes successive Fontanensi ecclesiae praefuerunt, quorum unus fabricam inchoavit, secundus inchoatam viriliter provexit, tercius provectam gloriose consummavit (Memorials, I, p. 128).

⁶⁵ … et facta est congregatio monachorum numerosior quam solebat, nam et altaria pauciora ad celebrandum, et chorus humilior et obscurior, et minus capax tantae multitudinis (ibid.)

⁶⁶ Successit in abbatia Fontium, Joannes de Cantia, qui novam basilicam consummavit, et altaria novem instituit. Addidit et novo operi pictum pavimentum, Claustrum novum construxit, et Infirmitorium. Porro xenodochium pauperum, sicut hactenus cernitur, venustissime fabricavit in introitu primae areae versus austrum (ibid., p. 129). For a detailed discussion of the various versions of the Narratio see Analecta Cist., XXXI (1975), 179–212.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Memorials, II, pp. 150–1.

⁶⁸ An unpublished report of Roger Mercer's extensive trenching in 1969 is held by the Inspectorate of Ancient Monuments, Historic Buildings and Monuments Commission. G.C. fully acknowledges his use of this record and Mr. Mercer's useful advice and comments.

⁶⁹ The redeposition of pottery sherds from post-pits of this phase in construction deposits of the succeeding phase would suggest extensive levelling of the site. See below, pp. 165–7.

⁷⁰ Memorials, I, pp. 47–50.

⁷¹ Ibid., p. 50.

⁷² Bond, op. cit. (note 57), I, p. 82; see also Fergusson, P., ‘The first architecture of the Cistercians in England and the work of Abbot Adam of Meaux’, J.B.A.A. CXXXVI (1983), 74–86, and especially pp. 79–80.Google Scholar

⁷³ Memorials, I, pp. 34–5.

⁷⁴ ibid., p. 53.

⁷⁵ Ibid., p. 101.

⁷⁶ See p. 173.

⁷⁷ Memorials, I, p. 101.

⁷⁸ Brakspear, H. and Clapham, A. W., ‘St. Mary's Abbey, York’, Arch. J. XCI (1934), 83–5 and plans.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Hope, op. cit. (note 4), frontispiece; R. Gilyard-Beer, Fountains Abbey, 2nd edn. (H.M.S.O., 1976), plan.

⁸⁰ Abbot Richard III was buried in the chapter house in 1170 (Memorials, I, p. 132). This event is generally accepted as evidence for the completion of the rebuilt east range, of which the chapter house is part. Indeed, the existing chapter house was inserted into the east range after its initial raising (see Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 20).

⁸¹ Ibid., pl. 5; Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 14–15.

⁸² This chapel had been refloored and extensively altered to become a vestry in the late fifteenth century, perhaps as part of Abbot Darnton's work on the church (ibid., 16–17).

⁸³ Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 5.

⁸⁴ Ibid., pl. 2.

⁸⁵ See p. 169.

⁸⁶ This buttress has generally been accepted as Darnton's work, following Hope (op. cit. (note 4), 287–8). Clearly it must have been built before the transept was refloored between 1457–68 and 1471, as part of an unrecorded repair to the crossing.

⁸⁷ Memorials, I, p. 150.

⁸⁸ As described in the President Book, Memorials, I, p. 152.

⁸⁹ Memorials, I, p. 129; Memorials, II, pp. 112 and 146.

⁹⁰ Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 10; Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 282 and fig. 2.

⁹¹ The arguments concerning the raising or insertion of a crossing tower, first suggested by Hope (ibid., 282) are best summarized by Fergusson, P. (‘The Cistercian churches in Yorkshire and the problem of the Cistercian crossing tower’, J. Soc. Architect. Hist., XXIX (1970), 211–21, and especially pp. 214–17) and Gilyard-Beer (op. cit. (note 79), p. 3.).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹² Memorials, II, p. 151.

⁹⁰ 93 Memorials, II, pp. 150–1. John Rypon, who was Cellarer of the house, does not appear after 1507 (ex inf. David Michelmore). Evidence is presented below of his grave slab and inscription.

⁹⁴ J. R. Walbran, Guide to Ripon and Harrogate,12th edn. (1875). The close similarity between his drawing, engraved by O. Jewitt, and the fragments of the slab excavated would suggest his record is accurate.

⁹⁵ Memorials, I, pp. 304–6.

⁹⁶ Memorials, II, p. 151.

⁹⁷ Farmer, P. G., An Introduction to Scarborough Ware and a Re-assessment of Knight Jugs (Hove, 1979).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Hayfield, C., ‘Techniques of pottery manufacture in East Yorkshire and North Lincolnshire’, Med. Ceramics, IV (1980), 29–43.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Farmer, op. cit. (note 97).

¹⁰⁰ Hayfield, C., ‘Medieval Pottery from North Lincolnshire’, 3 vols., University of Nottingham Ph.D. thesis, 1983, vol. I, pp. 702–21.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Kilmurry, K., The Pottery Industry of Stamford, Lincolnshire, c. A.D. 850–1250, B.A.R. 84 (Oxford, 1980), pp. 143 and 319.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Coppack, op. cit. (note 6).

¹⁰³ Brears, P. C. D., The English Country Pottery: its History and Techniques (Newton Abbot, 1971), pp. 18–23.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Coppack, op. cit. (note 6), Groups C and D.

¹⁰⁵ Stephen, H. G., ‘The development and production of medieval stoneware in Germany’, in Davey, P. and Hodges, R. (eds.), Ceramics and Trade (Sheffield, 1983), pp. 95–120.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Moorhouse, S., ‘The pottery’ in Mayes, P. and Butler, L. A. S., Sandal Castle Excavation Report, Wakefield Historical Publications, 6 (1983), pp. 83–212.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Bellamy, C. V. and Patourel, H. E. J. Le, ‘Four medieval pottery kilns on Woodhouse Farm, Winksley, near Ripon, West Riding of Yorkshire’, Med. Arch, xiv (1970), 104–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Ibid. The present writer does not agree with Mrs. Le Patourel's dating as given in the paper cited.

¹⁰⁹ Coppack, op. cit. (note 6).

¹¹⁰ Unpublished pottery from two areas of excavation to the east and north of Ripon Minster, directed severally by P. Mayes and D. J. Greenhalf.

¹¹¹ Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 309; Walbran, op. cit. (note 94), p. 125.

¹¹² Above, p. 160–2.

¹¹³ Memorials, 11, p. 146.

¹¹⁴ Coins 2 and 3, above, p. 164.

¹¹⁵ Tile 16a was recovered from the abbey |woolhouse from a late fifteenth-century context, see Coppack, op. cit. (note 6).

¹¹⁶ Above, p. 156.

¹¹⁷ Coppack, op. cit. (note 6), fiche M1.

¹¹⁸ Knaresborough: Memorials, 1, p. 166, n. 1. Dale: Monasticon Anglicanum, VII, p. 893. Selby: Fowler, J. T. (ed.), The Coucher Book of Selby, Yorks. Arch. Soc. Record Ser. X (1890), p. 12.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ The gift of land may well have been verbal, for the supposed foundation charter must date from 1135 or later (Memorials, 1, p. 156, n. 1). Professor Aubert cites several instances of foundations which seem to have depended initially on verbal grants (Aubert, op. cit. (note 44), 1, pp. 82–3). The Narratio's phrase Loco igitur, ut decebat, solemniter confirmato (Memorials, I, p. 32) may show that Thurstan also hallowed the site, an essential preliminary to the establishment of a new religious house, if only to provide consecrated ground as a cemetery in which those brethren who died before more permanent arrangements had been made could be buried.

¹²⁰ Molesme: ubi propriis manibus laborantes, ramos de arboribus exciderunt, ex eisdem domicilia in quibus possent quiescere, construentes, oratorium quoque simili schemate peregerunt … (Vita S. Roberti Molismensis in Patrologia Lat. CLVII, col. 1275). Cîteaux: tuguriola magis, quam Monasterium de sectorum arborum male dolatis lignis fabricarunt (A. Manrique, Cisterciensium seu verius Ecclesiasticorum Annalium a condito Cistercio, 1 (1642), p. 10). Compare also Fontevrault: Fecerunt autem ibi pro tempore quaedam tuguriola, quae duntaxat eos tuerentur ab intempestiva aeris ingruentia (Via B. Roberti de Arbrisselo in Patrologia Lat. CLXII, col. 1052).

¹²¹ Memorials, I, p. 34.

¹²² T. Hearne (ed.), Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, IV (1770), p. 105.

¹²³ Memorials, I, p. 34, n. 6.

¹²⁴ A third of the English and Welsh Cistercian abbeys changed their sites, including four out of the eight daughter-houses of Fountains. The practice received a qualified sanction from the General Chapter of 1152: Licet tamen alicui Abbati pro aliqua incommoditate intolerabili, consilio & assensu patris Abbatis abbatiam suam ad locum magis idoneum transferre (Nomasticon Cisterciense, p. 231).

¹²⁵ The European evidence is summarized in Aubert, op. cit. (note 44), 1, pp. 97–9, and in Dimier, M.-A., L'Art cistercien hors de France (Paris, 1971), pp. 14–15. Besides Geoffrey, another of these monk-advisers who crossed the Channel, this time to Mellifont, was Robert of Clairvaux.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Patrologia Lat. CLXXXV, col. 1078.

¹²⁷ Acta Sanctorum, Augusti tomus quartus (1867), p. 307.

¹²⁸ Bond, op. cit. (note 57), 1, p. 76. Adam advised in aedificiis construendis monasteriorum at Kirkstead, Woburn and Vaudey.

¹²⁹ See above, p. 149.

¹³⁰ At one end of the scale Aubert (op. cit. (note 44), 1, p. 97) calls them des architectes fameux; at the other end, Harvey, J. H., by omitting both Geoffrey and Adam from his English Medieval Architects (London, 1954), by implication denies them any professional competence. The truth lies between these extreme views.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Multorum siquidem monasteriorum ordinator et institutor erat, eorum maxime qui ad consilium viri sancti ad majorem vitae perfectionem, mutato habitu Clarevallensi, se monasterio subdederunt (Memorials, 1, p. 47).

¹³² … ut instituat eos prima ordinis elimenta, modum vivendi, et mores conservandi, secundum ordinis disciplinam … Ad ejus consilium casas erigunt, ordinant officinas, cantantes et psallentes prout senex docebat (Memorials, 1, pp. 46–7).

¹³³ Quid, verbi gratia, in aedificiis, in agris, in hortis, aquis, cunctis denique artibus seu operibus rusticorum, quid, inquam, vel in hoc rerum genere Girardi subterfugit peritiam? Caementariis, fabris, agricolis, hortulariis, sutoribus atque textoribus facile magister erat (Sermones super Cantica Canticorum, sermo 26, in Leclerq, J., Talbot, C. H. and Rochais, H. M. (eds.), S. Bernardi Opera, 1 (1957), p. 175. See also Aubert, op. cit. (note 44) I, p. 97).Google Scholar

¹³⁴ The abbot of Pontigny's presence at the foundation of Cercamp, Lustrando loco, exhibendoque exemplari ad cujus instar officinae perficerentur, suggests that in some cases instructions on building may have been in graphic form (ibid., 1, p. 69).

¹³⁵ For example, La Bussière (ibid., 1, p. 67), Stoneleigh (Monasticon Anglicanum, v, p. 447), Rievaulx (Powicke, F. M. (ed.), Life of Ailred of Rievaulx (London, 1950), p. 12).Google Scholar

¹³⁶ In 1517, Le Voiaige que la Royne de Secile, Monseigneur le Conte de Guyse et Madame la Contesse sa femme, unt faictz de Joinville à Clervaulx (Annales Arch. iii (1845), 236–7). In 1667, Joseph Melinger, Epistola Familiaris de Itinere ad Comita Generalia S. Ordinis Cisterciensis (Patrologia Lat. CLXXXV, cols. 1608–9).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ 1517: En la cloison dudict petit Sainct-Bernard, à l'entrée de la porte, est la chambre où pape Eugène fust receu quant il vint veoir saint Bernard … et est icelle chambre de bois bien petite et basse en la mode antique. (See note 136.)

¹³⁸ 1517: Et prez et joignant de ladicte chambre [St. Bernard's cell in the dormitory] est la vielle église, qui est une chappelle de bois. 1667: Uno tecto templum et habitatio monachorum operitur. (See note 136.) Vacandard's most unlikely reconstruction of the church was based on Dom Milley's plan of 1708 and has been followed by Aubert and others (Vacandard, E., Vie de Saint Bernard (Paris, 1895), 1, pp. 68–72. Aubert, op. cit. (note 44) 1, p. 122). It is significant that when the two Maurists, Martène and Durand, made their tour of Clairvaux early in the eighteenth century they did not include the antiquum monasterium in their description, from which it seems likely that the old buildings had by that time been so far altered as to be no longer worth attention (E. Martène and U. Durand, Voyage littéraire de deux Bénédictins (1717), 1, pp. 98–105).Google Scholar

¹³⁹ 1517: Apres est le reffectoir … lequel est de longueur de xviii à xx passées, assez bas et chambrillé, lequel ediffice est bien viel. Au dessus est le dormitoire de pareille grandeur. 1667: Adhaeret refectorio coquina, et illa quoque arctissima … Hinc [from the refectory] per scalam ascenditur ad dormitorium, idem in longum latumque occupans spatium cum refectorio. (See note 136.)

¹⁴⁰ Tenuia admodumfuere monasterii primordia. Humilem domum pro dormitorio simul ac refectorio habitabant Fusniacenses; huic adjunxerunt manibus suis aediculum sub nomine B. Virginis Mariae, donee augustius templum erigere possent (Gallia Christiana, IX, cols. 628–9).

¹⁴¹ Fecit ergo aedificari quondam magnam domum, licet ex vili cemate, ubi nunc stabilitur pistrinum, in qua conventus adventurus, donec providentius pro eis ordinaretur, habitaret. Fecit etiam quondam capellam juxta domum praedictam, quae modo dicitur camera cellerarii, ubi monachi omnes in inferiori solario postea decubabant, et in superiori divina officia devotius persolvebant (Bond, op. cit. (note 57), I, p. 82); for the rebuilding, ibid., pp. 106–7.

¹⁴² Instances of the combination of dormitory and refectory in a single building are rare, except in the laybrothers' ranges of Cistercian houses. Up to the end of the eleventh century the Benedictine abbey of S. Trond in Limburg had a building which housed dormitory and refectory over a basement used as a school, a cellar and an infirmary (Mortet, V. and Deschamps, P., Recueil de textes relatifs à l'histoire de l'architecture (Paris, 1929), 11, p. 3. At the Bernardine college in Paris, as rebuilt after 1320, a three-storeyed building housed dormitory over refectory over cellarage (Aubert, op. cit. (note 44) I, p. 32, n. 2), and a building which may have served the same three purposes can be seen at the little Augustinian priory of Penmon in Anglesey.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Duodecim monachi cum Abbate tertiodecimo ad coenobia nova transmittantur: nee tamen illuc destinentur donec locus libris, domibus, & necessariis aptetur … domibusque, oratorio, refectorio, dormitorio, cella hospitum & portarii, necessariis etiam temporalibus; ut & vivere & Regulam ibidem statim valeant observare (Statuta (see note 50), 1, p. 15; Nomasticon Cisterciense, p. 215). The legislation is precise and comprehensive in its enumeration of the books needed by the new convent; there is no reason to believe that it is not equally precise in its enumeration of the buildings.

¹⁴⁴ Six years or more after the foundation of the abbey of Buzay, St. Bernard threatened to withdraw the convent, according to the founder considerans eumdem locum non iuxta promissionem, quam feceramus, constructum et aedificatum (Mortet and Deschamps, op. cit. (note 142), II, pp. 54–5). More than twenty years after the foundation of Dundrennan, St. Ailred, abbot of Rievaulx on visitation, could only be lodged in a parva domuncula with a leaking roof, because abbathia ilia parum ante ceperat edificare officinas regulares (Powicke, op. cit. (note 135), p. 74). An extreme example is Vale Royal, where the convent remained in provisional buildings for almost half a century (Colvin, H. M. (ed.), History of the King's Works, 1 (H.M.S.O., 1963), pp. 248 and 253; Monasticon Anglicanum, v, p. 705).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Clapham, A. W., English Romanesque Architecture after the Conquest (Oxford, 1934), pp. 76–7.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Waverley: Brakspear, H., Waverley Abbey (London, 1905), pp. 18–20.Google Scholar Ourscamp: here the early church survived as a chapel attached to the north transept of the later church, and was described in 1662 (‘Procès-verbal de visite par le commissaire du Parlement’ in Peigné-Delacourt, M., Histoire de l'Abbaye de Notre-Dame d'Ourscamp (1876), 11, p. 34Google Scholar and plan.

¹⁴⁷ Lysekloster: H. Nicolaysen, Om Lysekloster og dets ruiner (1890). Munkeby: Ryjord, N. in Foreningen til Norske Fortidsmindesmaerkers Bevaring (1906), 293–301,Google Scholar and (1910), 220–30. H.-E. Liden, ibid. (1969), pp. 118–21. Cwmhir: Radford, C. A. Ralegh in Arch. Camb. lxxxi (1982), 58–76.Google Scholar Corcomroe has also been cited (Dimier, M.-A., Recueil de plans d'églises cisterciennes, 1 (Paris, 1949), p. 30)Google Scholar, but has since been shown to have been designed for aisles (Leask, H. G., Irish Churches and Monastic Buildings (Dundalk, 1966), 11, pp. 58–9).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Bonnecombe: M.-A. Dimier, op. cit. (note 147), 11, pl. 43. Valbona: ibid., pl. 299. Grey: Thompson, A. H., Clapham, A. W. and Leask, H. G., ‘The Cistercian Order in Ireland’, Arch. J. lxxxviii (1931), fig. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ A group of plans is published in Clapham, A. W., ‘The architecture of the Praemonstratensians’, Archaeologia, lxxiii (1929), pl. 20.Google Scholar See also Colvin, H. M., The White Canons in England (Oxford, 1951), p. 194,Google Scholar n. 3

¹⁵⁰ For example at Léoncel, Senanque and Le Thoronet. The type has been discussed by Professor P. Fergusson, op. cit. (note 91). His views on its relevance to the second stone church at Fountains must be regarded as no longer valid.

¹⁵¹ Lefevre-Pontalis, E., ‘Les plans des églises romanes bénédictines’, Bull. Mon. lxxvi (1912), 439–85. The plan was common amongst churches of the filiation of Morimond.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Erant, siquidem, adhuc ipso veniente, in tabernaculo Jacob levitatis quaedam ydola de domo Laban latenter asportata (Memorials, 1, p. 85).

¹⁵³ On élevait d'abord le mur a'enceinte et les bâtiments réguliers nécessaires à la vie de la communauté, puis la grande église dont l'emplacement avait été réservé dans le plan d'ensemble, non loin de la chapelle primitive où le culte était poursuivi jusqu'à l'achèvement du nouveau sanctuaire (Aubert, op. cit. (note 44), I, p. 102). At Vauluisant, Archbishop Henry of Sens blessed the cloisters, the cemetery, and a site for building the church: locum exstruendae basilicae, claustra, cimiterium pro more benedixit 1 Aprilis 1120 (Gallia Christiana, XII, p. 231).

¹⁵⁴ Particularly clear at Jervaulx, where the fact that only five bays of the south aisle wall of the nave were built at about the same time as the claustral buildings also suggests that they were screening an earlier church not discovered in the excavations of 1806–7 and 1905 (Hope, W. H. St. J. and Brakspear, H., ‘Jervaulx Abbey’, in Yorks. Arch. J. xxi (1911), 309.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Gilyard-Beer, op. cit. (note 5), 313–18. The suggested dating of the church in this article must now be revised in the light of the excavations. Greater precision has also been added to the plan of the early monastic buildings at some points in unpublished excavations by R. J. Mercer. The west range is now known to have extended 73·1 m. (240 ft.) south of the church, ending on the north bank of the Skell and possessing a central spine of columns. The east wall of the first chapter house has been located, showing that, as anticipated, it lay within the walls of the east range. The suggested abbot's lodging at the east end of the first reredorter has been disproved, the cross-wall here belonging to the fourteenth century and blocking a Jate twelfth-century doorway which itself replaced an earlier twelfth-century fireplace in the north wall. See also pp. 181–3 and fig. 16.

¹⁵⁶ For G.C.'s suggested dimensions of the nave, see pp. 178–81 and fig. 15.

¹⁵⁷ The detail of the east processional doorway from the cloister is stylistically the earliest in the second church (Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), p. 16).

¹⁵⁸ H. Brakspear, op. cit. (note 146), p. 22 and plan.

¹⁵⁹ Brakspear, H. in Arch. J. lxi (1904), facing p. 213.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), p. 17. Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 281. Gilyard-Beer, op. cit. (note 5), 315.

¹⁶¹ The writers did not agree on the progress of building; see also p. 178 for an alternative sequence based on archaeological stratigraphy.

¹⁶² For example at Byland, Cleeve, Sweetheart.

¹⁶³ Similar errors, due to making additions to an existing building, are not uncommon in parish churches (Thompson, A. Hamilton, The Ground Plan of the English Parish Church (Cambridge, 1911), p. 74).Google Scholar Among greater churches the nave of Beverley Minster is a locus classicus (Bilson, J. in Durham & Northumbd. Architect. & Arch. Soc. Trans, iv (1890–1895), lxv).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ But see also p. 183.

¹⁶⁵ Les bâtiments, le mobilier, les vêtements et les vases liturgiques étaient pauvres par necessité autant que par goût (Aubert, M., Saint Bernard et l'art des Cisterciens (Paris, 1953), p. 13).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Nomasticon Cisterciense, p. 395.

¹⁶⁷ Dimier, op. cit. (note 147), and Supplément (1967).

¹⁶⁸ See above, p. 177.

¹⁶⁹ Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 281–2.

¹⁷⁰ Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 7.

¹⁷¹ Above, p. 158.

¹⁷² See above, pp. 175–6. See also Shaefer, J., ‘The earliest churches of the Cistercian order’, Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture, i (1982), 1–12.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Brakspear, op. cit. (note 146), 18–20 and plan.

¹⁷⁴ Nicolaysen, op. fit. (note 147) plan.

¹⁷⁵ Esser, K. H., ‘Uber den Kirchenbau des Hl. Bernard von Clairvaulx’, Archiv für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, v (1953). 195–222.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Hope, op. cit. (note 4), 282–3.

¹⁷⁷ Ibid., figs. 15–16. See also Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 22.

¹⁷⁸ Ibid., pl. 1. See also Gilyard-Beer, op. cit. (note 5).

¹⁷⁹ The information presented is derived from Mercer's plans, copies of which are held by the Inspectorate of Ancient Monuments, and from photographs held by R.G.-B.

¹⁸⁰ Above, fig. 3, context 547.

¹⁸¹ See note 179.

¹⁸² Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 22.

¹⁸³ Memorials, 11, p. 143; Hope, op. cit. (note 4), plan.

¹⁸⁴ W. H. St. John Hope, Architectural Description of Kirkstall Abbey, Publ. Thoresby Soc. xvi (1907), 53, n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ See note 179.

¹⁸⁶ Memorials, I, p. 56, n. 5.

¹⁸⁷ Above, p. 158.

¹⁸⁸ Fergusson, op. cit. (note 91), esp. pp. 215–16.

¹⁸⁹ Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 7.

¹⁹⁰ Gilyard-Beer, op. cit. (note 79), 41–7. Memorials, I, p. 132 indicates the burial of Abbot Pipewell in the chapter house in 1170.

¹⁹¹ Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pl. 14. See also Hope, op. cit. (note 4), fig. 1.

¹⁹² Reeve, op. cit. (note 3), pls. 7 and 29.

¹⁹³ Located by Mercer, see note 179.