^{page 52 note 1} For a discussion of the date when, and the place where, the Constitutio was drawn up, see White, G. H. in Notes and Queries, cli, 363–4.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 2} Cf. Round, J. H., The King's Serjeants and Officers of State, p. 62Google Scholar (hereinafter referred to as K.S.).

^{page 52 note 3} Liber Niger Scaccarii—Black Book of the Ex-chequer (ed. Hearne, T.), 2nd edn., 1774 (herein-after referred to as B.B.), pp. 341–59.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 4} Red Book of the Exchequer (ed. Hall, H., Rolls Series), 1896 (hereinafter referred to as R.B.), pp. 807–13Google Scholar; notes on pp. cclxxxvii–ccciii. Hall had previously printed a translation of the Constitutio in his Court Life under the Plantagenets (1890), pp. 242–9.

^{page 52 note 5} J. H. Round, Studies in the Red Book of the Exchequer, pp. 31–3; K.S., passim.

^{page 52 note 6} Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, xxx, 127–55.

^{page 52 note 7} Dialogus de Scaccario (ed. Hughes, Crump, and Johnson), pp. 71–2; cf. pp. 24–5.

^{page 52 note 8} Probably to be regarded as an intra Domum rate.

^{page 52 note 9} In the Constitutio these are entered in the following order: hornblowers, Serjeants, velterers, Mueta, knight-huntsmen, Catatores, leader of the limmer, berner, huntsmen of the Haired, braconiers, wolf-hunters, archers, Bernard, Ralf, and comrades.

^{page 53 note 1} ‘Luparii xx d. in die ad equos et ad homines et canes et debent habere xxiiii canes currentes et viii leporarios et vi libras per annum ad equos emendos sed ipsi dicunt viii.’

^{page 53 note 2} Hall first called them ‘wolf-catchers’ (Court Life, p. 249), but later ‘wolf-hunters’ (R.B., p. ccxciii).

^{page 53 note 3} Round, K.S., p. 296.

^{page 53 note 4} Cf. Round, Studies in Peerage and Family History, p. 65.

^{page 53 note 5} Pipe Rolls (ed. Hunter), 2 Hen. II, p. 54 (Hants); 4 Hen. II, p. 139 (Bucks, and Beds.); p. 153 (Notts, and Derby).

^{page 53 note 6} ‘Venatori qui capit lupos’ (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. II, P.R.S., p. 64); cf. Turner, Select Pleas of the Forest (Selden Soc), p.xiii, and Round, K.S., p. 296.

^{page 53 note 7} Dialogus, p. 127.

^{page 53 note 8} The story may really refer to an earlier visit by Conan's predecessor Alan (Clay, , Early Yorkshire Charters, iv, 25).Google Scholar

^{page 53 note 9} Ibid., p. 64. In the next century Gilbert (d. c. 1241), son of Robert de Gant, gave pasture in Swaledale to Rievaulx, with privileges including the right to catch wolves (ibid., v., 341).

^{page 53 note 10} See p. 54, notes 1 and 3.

^{page 54 note 1} ‘In liberacionibus Odonis et Ricardi custodiencium luvereticos nostros’ (Rot. Litt. Clans, i, 68); ‘in liberationibus Odoni et Ricardo custodiis canum luuericiorum’ (Pipe Roll, 9 Joh., p. 209). In the corresponding entry on Pipe Roll, 7 Joh., p. 170, the crucial word is printed ‘iimericiorum’, probably owing to confusion with the limmer or liam hound; for a similar misreading by Blount see Round, K.S., pp. 295–6.

^{page 54 note 2} ‘Odoni et Ricardo duobus Luverez ad se et canes suos …’ (Rot. Misae, 11 Joh., ed. Hardy, p. 118).

^{page 54 note 3} ‘Ricardo Luverez et Odoni valtrariis pro duobus lupis captis apud Gelingeham et alio lupo capto apud Clarendone xv s.’ (ibid., p. 144; cf. Round, K.S., p. 297, where he has omitted all the words after captis up to and including capto).

^{page 54 note 4} Cal. Charter Rolls, i, 241; Clay, op. cit. v, 341.

^{page 54 note 5} Turner, op. cit., p. xiii.

^{page 54 note 6} ‘Et Waltero lupario x s. et iij d. bl. ad pedicas faciendas ad lupos capiendos’ (Pipe Roll, 8 Joh., p. 125).

^{page 54 note 7} See the full text printed by Turner, op. cit., pp. 144–5. F°^r other wolf-hunting ser jean ties see Round, K.S., pp. 293–8.

^{page 54 note 8} Cal. Patent Rolls, 1272–81, p. 435.

^{page 54 note 9} Abbreviatio Placitorum, p. 283.

^{page 54 note 10} Round, , Peerage and Pedigree, ii, 124, note 1.Google Scholar On the other hand, the ‘wolves’ indexed (under Animals) in Close Rolls, 1259–61 and Close Rolls, 1261–4, and mentioned in Cal. Close Rolls, 1419–22, p. 149, were really foxes (vulpes); cf. G. H. W. in Genealogists' Magazine, vi, 579, and vii, 370.

^{page 54 note 11} Adrien Miton of Neufchâtel-en-Bray records that in 1599 ‘les loups étoient furieux, ils mangeoient les enfants qu'ils rencontroient, ils en mangeoient qui avoient 15 à 16 ans, les paysans portoient des bâtons ferrés pour se deffendre de ces bêtes féroces et avides, cette année, de sang humain’ (Documents concernant I'Histoire de Neufchâtel-en-Bray et des Environs, Soc. de l'Hist. de Normandie, p. 106).

^{page 54 note 12} ‘Milites venatores viii d. in die unusquisque.’ They are called ‘Knight's huntsmen’ by Hall, Court Life, p. 249, but more correctly ‘Knights-huntsmen’ in R.B., p. ccxciii.

^{page 54 note 13} Dialogus, pp. 66,170; Round, Feudal England, pp. 271–2.

^{page 55 note 1} ‘Mueta Regis viii d. in die.’

^{page 55 note 2} Round cautiously ignores this entry.

^{page 55 note 3} Hall, Court Life, p. 249.

^{page 55 note 4} Unless it was omitted from the first copy, from which both existing versions were made.

^{page 55 note 5} Hall, in R.B., p. ccxcii.

^{page 55 note 6} ‘Pro muis faciendis in Castello de Cadomo et domo in qua custodes avium jacent’ (Stapleton, , Magni Rotuli Scaccarii Normanniae, ii, 350).Google Scholar

^{page 55 note 7} e.g., ‘unam meutam caniculorum haerettorum’ (Round, K.S., p. 289).

^{page 55 note 8} ‘Mota’ also meant a ‘motte’—i.e. a shell-keep on a mound; cf. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, P. 333.

^{page 56 note 1} ‘Catatores unusquisque v d.’

^{page 56 note 2} Hall, Court Life, p. 249; R.B., p. ccxciii.

^{page 56 note 3} Thus Henry I confirmed to Rolland d'Oissel the right to hunt the hare, fox, cat, and marten in the forest of Rouvray (Round, Cal. Docs. France, no. 1278).

^{page 56 note 4} Round, Feudal England, p. 479; Harcourt, His Grace the Steward, p. 318; Cal. Charter Rolls, i, passim; ii, 485Google Scholar; G. J. Turner, op. cit., p. cxxxii. Catus or cattus is the usual word, but murilegus also occurs (Pipe Roll, 2 Joh., p. 18; Rotuli Parliamentorum, ii, p. 79; Placita de quo Warranto, p. 804); cf. Orderic (ed. Le Prévost), iv, 124, where he uses the word for a pun: ‘leopardi, rependo velut murilegi, murum transilierunt.’

^{page 56 note 5} ‘Boscus … usque ad haiam Catorum’ (A. Le Prévost, Notes pour servir à l'histoire … de l'Eure, i, 424).

^{page 56 note 6} William I and William II granted to Chertsey Abbey the right to have their hounds (canes) for taking hares and foxes. Henry I, repeating the grant, added cats (et cattos). It is curious that Henry II and Richard I in their charters mentioned hares and foxes only (Cartae Antiquae, ed. Landon, P.R.S., nos. 109, 111, 112, 115, 117).

^{page 56 note 7} In two early 12th-century records relating to St. Paul's, a London citizen is described as cattarius (Hist. MSS. Comm., 9th Rep., pt. i, App., pp. 6r, 68). Probably these would be dealers in catskins; for the use of which in dress see Du Cange, sub Cattus (Cattinae Pelles).

^{page 56 note 8} Whatever theory may be adopted, there is always the difficulty that catatores do not occur again after the Constitutio.

^{page 56 note 9} ‘De Archeariis qui portabant arcum Regis unusquisque v d. in die et alii Archearii tantundem’ (R.B.).

^{page 57 note 1} Orderic, vol. iv, pp. 81–2, 87, 91.

^{page 57 note 2} ‘Unusquisque de iiij cornariis iij d. in die.’

^{page 57 note 3} ‘Cornu meo in collo meo pendente’ (R.B., p. 333; cf. Round, Feudal England, p. 155). For hunting-horns see Dryden, Sir H., Art of Hunting, 1908 edn., pp. 77–81.Google Scholar

^{page 57 note 4} ‘Promptiori animo corniculum auscultat venatoris quam campanam sacerdotis’ (Lamberti Chronicon, ed. Marquis de Ménilglaise, p. 195).

^{page 57 note 5} Round uses ‘velterer’ and ‘veutrer’ indifferently. The usual Latin form is veltrarius or valtrarius, but Robert feltrarius occurs on the Pipe Roll, 9 Rio I, p. 3, and in English we find ‘fewterer’ and ‘feuterer’.

^{page 57 note 6} ‘Veltrarii unusquisque iij d. in die et ij d. hominibus suis. Et unicuique Leporario obolum in die.’

^{page 57 note 7} Turner, op. cit., p. 151; Round, K.S., pp. 271–8, 297, note 3. Many instances could be cited. In 1208 11 tunics for 11 velterers cost 55s (Pipe Roll, 10 Joh., p. 126).

^{page 57 note 8} Round, K.S., p. 269; cf. W. R. Fisher, Forest of Essex, p. 224.

^{page 57 note 9} Hall calls the leporarii ‘harriers’, both in this passage and in that relating to the wolf-hunters (p. 53, note 2 above); but he translates veltrarii as ‘Keepers of the Gazehounds’ (Court Life, p. 249) and ‘Keepers of coursing dogs’ (R.B., p. ccxcii). ‘Gazehound’ seems to be a Tudor word of doubtful meaning; cf. Round, K.S., pp. 277–8.

^{page 57 note 10} Ibid., p. 272.

^{page 57 note 11} ‘Rogerus constabularius Cestrie debet D m. et x palefridos et x laissas leporariorum’ (Pipe Roll, 4 Joh., p. 65).

^{page 57 note 12} Cf. Round, K.S., p. 272.

^{page 57 note 13} Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I, p. 4.

^{page 58 note 1} Round, K.S., p. 269; see A. Levé, La Tapisserie de la Reine Mathilde, pl. 1, no. 2. Here the greyhounds are running loose.

^{page 58 note 2} Cf. Chron. Lamberti, p. 195, where the editor understands leporarius to mean ‘valet de chiens levriers’ (sic) (p. 480).

^{page 58 note 3} Round, K.S., p. 269. However, in an entry on the Rot. Misae of 14 John there is a distinction between valtrariorum (velterers) and valtrorum (hounds) (Cole, Docs, illustrative of Eng. Hist., p. 232: cf. p. 231).

^{page 58 note 4} Pipe Roll, 1 Ric. I (ed. Hunter), p. 44; 3 Joh. (P.R.S.), pp. 28, 131.

^{page 58 note 5} ‘Et duobus garcionibus qui custodiunt uealtres R. j. m.’ (Pipe Roll, 6 Joh., p. 131).

^{page 58 note 6} Cf. Turner, op. cit., p. 151; Round, K.S., p. 269, note 3.

^{page 58 note 7} Ibid., p. 277. Round considers that greyhounds varied a good deal, citing an entry on the Pipe Roll of 7 John: ‘et x leporarios magnos, pulchros et bonos’ (loc. cit., note 3). So the abbot and monks of the Trinité-du-Mont gave £8 and ‘unum electum equum et canem valde bonum’ for a benefaction at Auteverne (Cartulaire de la Ste-Triniteé du Mont de Rouen, ed. A. Deville, p. 445, no. xlvi; Le Prévost, op. cit., i, 147–8).

^{page 58 note 8} ‘Et Alano Wastehose cum x leporariis suis et iij uealtrariis’ (Pipe Roll, 4 Joh., p. 254).

^{page 58 note 9} ‘Thomae Porcherez cum xxiij leporariis et iiij valtrariis’ (Rot. Misae, 11 Joh., p. 150).

^{page 58 note 10} ‘Thomae Valtrario Porcherez’ (ibid., p. 141).

^{page 58 note 11} Round, K.S., pp. 269 (note 3), 270 (note 2), 285 (note 2).

^{page 58 note 12} ‘Thomae Porkerez cum xxiij canibus ad porcos’ (Rot. de Prestito, 12 Joh., ed Hardy, p. 248; indexed as ‘Pokerez’). Comparison with note 9 above shows that these were greyhounds.

^{page 58 note 13} Rot. Litt. Claus., i, 181; Cole, op. cit., p. 241; Turner, op. cit., pp. 146–7.

^{page 58 note 14} Cole, op. cit., p. 232.

^{page 58 note 15} ‘Pro iiij retibus faciendis ad porcos capiendos et pro v ad gopillos capiendos xviiij li. xvi so. … Pro iiij retibus faciendis ad porcos capiendos xi li. iiij so.’ (Magni Rotuli Scaccarii Normanniae, ed. Stapleton, T., ii, 371, 460).Google Scholar

^{page 58 note 16} So in 1365 in Cannok Forest ‘faciunt stabileam … per unam leucam et dimidium cum retibus’ (Turner, op. cit., p. 148).

^{page 59 note 1} Ibid., pp. x–xiii. However, in the 14th century the roe ceased to be included among the beasts of the forest, on the ground that it drove away the other deer (ibid., pp. x-xi). The usual word for boar is porcus, whence ‘Porcherez’, but aper also occurs; e.g. Pipe Roll, 10 Joh., p. 192; cf. note 2 below. Verres does not seem to be used; but Lambert of Ardres calls Aubrey de Vere, 1st earl of Oxford, ‘Albertus (sic, recte Albericus) Aper’, by a pun on Vere and Verres (Chron. Lamberti, p. 103; cf. Complete Peerage, x, 199, note (g)).

^{page 59 note 2} ‘… de ceruis et apris et de omni venacione’ (F. Lot, Études critiques sur l'abbaye de Ste-Wandrille, no. 15).

^{page 59 note 3} Cartulaire de Marmoutier pour le Perche (ed. l'abbé Barret), pp. 29–30, no. 17.

^{page 59 note 4} ‘… ubi porcum magnum acceperat.’ The Vicomte du Motey renders this: ‘II venait de forcer un superbe sanglier’ (Robert II de Bellême, p. 23).

^{page 59 note 5} Orderic, vol. iv, p. 307; but Robert de Torigny, in his additions to the Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William de Jumièges (ed. J. Marx, p. 320), says that Bellême had been given or sold to the Conqueror by the King of France.

^{page 59 note 6} Sauvage, R. N., L'Abbaye de St. Martin de Troarn, p. 276, note 6.Google Scholar

^{page 59 note 7} ‘Bernarius iij d. in die.’ ⁸ Hall, Court Life, p. 249, and R.B., p. ccxciii. The word for bear-ward was ursarius; cf. Round, K.S., p. 59, note 1. The king's bear was kept on or led by a chain (Pipe Roll, 21 Hen. II, p. 29). In Northampton a street was called Berewardstrete (Round, in Ancestor, no. 1, p. 258).

^{page 59 note 9} Turner, op. cit., p. 133; Round, K.S., pp. 58, 271–2; cf. the Norman Exchequer Roll of 1198: ‘In expensa Canum Regis et Bernariorum qui custodiebant canes …’ (Stapleton, op. cit., ii, 461).

^{page 59 note 10} Ibid., i, p. lx.

^{page 59 note 11} Bernagium was one of the consuetudines which the future Conqueror granted to the abbey of Préaux in 1047 (Valin, Le Due de Normandie et sa Cour, Pièces, no. II). Robert II granted (1088–96) to Rouen Cathedral his right to bernagium on its land of Pierreval (Round, Cal. Docs. France, no. 2). Henry I's charters for St. Pierre-sur-Dive (1108, 1121–8) provided that the land should be free from gravaria and bernagium (Mélanges, 12^e Sér., Soc. de l'Hist. de Normandie, pp. 127, 135).

^{page 60 note 1} Round in error writes of the ‘Berners’ (K.S., p. 279, note 3). Later, under Edward II, there seem to have been usually 2 berners (ibid., pp. 271—2; Turner, op. cit., pp. 133–4).

^{page 60 note 2} ‘Et leporariis facias habere cuilibet in die unum obolum et aliis canibus currentibus facias fieri brennum unde pascantur’ (Rot. Litt. Claus., i, 26). Turner, who was not acquainted with the Constitute, thought that this was probably the earliest mention of canes currentes in the public records (pp. cit., p. 138).

^{page 60 note 3} On the other hand, in an entry on the Rot. Misae of 14 John (1212) both the 4 greyhounds and the 21 canes de mota (i.e. canes currentes) are allowed a halfpenny a day each (Cole, op. cit., p. 231).

^{page 60 note 4} e.g. ‘Johannes f. Hugonis debet ij palefridos et xij canes de mota’ (Pipe Roll, 10 Joh., p. 56).

^{page 60 note 5} See the Pipe Roll of 1205, where both canes de mota and canes currentes are mentioned (Pipe Roll, 7 Joh., pp. 78, 84, 103). Turner thought that the canes currentes ‘probably’ included, or were the same as, canes de mota (op. cit., pp. 136, 138).

^{page 60 note 6} Rot. Litt. Claus., i, 156.

^{page 60 note 7} Cal. Charter Rolls, i, 429, where leporarios is translated ‘harriers’.

^{page 60 note 8} Pipe Roll, 9 Joh., p. 203.

^{page 60 note 9} Rot. Misae, 14 Joh., in Cole, op. cit., p. 241; cf. Turner, op. cit., p. 146.

^{page 60 note 10} ‘Mittimus ad vos Johannem le Berner cum xxiiij^or canibus et viij leporariis’ (Rot. Litt. Claus., i, 223).

^{page 60 note 11} ‘Venatores deshaired [del Harred'] unusquisque iij d. in die et magni (sic, ? de magnis) haired [Hared'] iiij debent habere i d. et de parvis haired [Hared'] vj [vij] i d. Ad magnos hared [Harred'] ij homines et unusquisque i d. in die et ad parvos ij homines et unusquisque i d. in die’ (B.B., with R.B. variants in square brackets). The R.B. omits the final clause beginning et ad parvos, which is accordingly omitted by Round, K.S., pp. 271, 288.

^{page 61 note 1} Hearne, in B.B., p. 357; Hall, Court Life, p. 249, and R.B., p. ccxciii.

^{page 61 note 2} Round, K.S., pp. 288–90.

^{page 61 note 3} Hairez, heyraz, heyrez, herez, heraz, heiriz, haerez, hayerez, haeriez, hereres; see ibid., pp. 285–90, and Turner, op. cit., pp. 143–4.

^{page 61 note 4} Ibid., p. 143.

^{page 61 note 5} Turner thinks that there is no connexion (loc. cit.); Round is doubtful and states that W. H. Stevenson was inclined to derive ‘harrier’ from ‘a Norman dialectical form for “hare”’ (K.S., p. 290).

^{page 61 note 6} Ibid., p. 288. Possibly the small ones might be described as beagles.

^{page 61 note 7} ‘Braconarii unusquisque iij d. in die.’

^{page 61 note 8} Hall, Court Life, p. 249, and R.B., p. ccxciii.

^{page 61 note 9} ‘The French original of braconarius is represented by the word that now denotes a poacher’ (Round, K.S., p. 270).

^{page 61 note 10} See the instances cited ibid., pp. 282–4, ^lneach of which only one brachet is mentioned; but in 35 Hen. Ill (1250–1) the earl of Gloucester ‘fecit decopulare duos brachettos qui invenerunt unum cervum’, which was then hunted with greyhounds (Harcourt, op. cit., p. 310). In all these instances the brachet was clearly a limmer used to track the game and held on a leash; cf. Turner, op. cit., p. 136.

^{page 62 note 1} Possibly still earlier. A charter of Henry II mentions 2 greyhounds and 4 brachets for catching the hare and the wolf (Cal. Charter Rolls, ii, 333). These brachets cannot have been limmers, so were probably running hounds.

^{page 62 note 2} Turner concludes that at a rather later period than temp. John it is possible that canes currentes included brachets (op. cit., p. 136). On the other hand, it might be suggested that ‘brachet’ came to be used as a general term for a hound used in hunting; or at any rate that the term included running hounds. On the Pipe Rolls of King John, brachets are sometimes mentioned without any other hounds; see Pipe Roll, 3 Joh., p. 230; 9 Joh., p. 39; 10 Joh., pp. 49, 71, 155.

^{page 62 note 3} Turner, op. cit., p. 137.

^{page 62 note 4} Dryden, op. cit., pp. 74–5.

^{page 62 note 5} ‘Bernardus, Radulfus le Robeur, et socii eorum, unusquisque iij d. in die.’

^{page 62 note 6} Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 118.

^{page 62 note 7} ‘Servitio furbandi venabola et alia arma mea’ (Delisle-Berger, Recueil des Actes de Henri II, no. DCCXXIII).

^{page 62 note 8} ‘Viginti servientes unusquisque i d. in die.’

^{page 62 note 9} Round, Feudal England, pp. 271–2, 283.

^{page 62 note 10} Valin, op. cit., p. 200, note 2; Haskins, op. cit., p. 82.

^{page 62 note 11} ‘Ductor liemarii i d. et Liemarius ob.’

^{page 62 note 12} Round, K.S., pp. 271, 275, 279–84.

^{page 62 note 13} Hall, Court Life, p. 249, and R.B., p. ccxciii.

^{page 62 note 14} Round, K.S., p. 279.

^{page 62 note 15} See the passages cited by Turner, op. cit., p. 144, and Round, K.S., pp. 280–4, where only one limmer is mentioned; cf. the petition (1563) of Jacques du Hamel, seigneur of Gouy, Grand Pantier of Normandy, claiming inter alia the right ‘de chasser en toutes bestes, avec le lymyer ou aultres chiens’ (Marquis de Belbeuf, Histoire des Grands Panetiers de Normandie, p. 109).

^{page 63 note 1} ‘Debet j Liemer et iiij seus’ (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I, p. 3). The seus were running hounds; cf. Round, K.S., p. 279, note 1.

^{page 63 note 2} ‘Episcopus Eliensis debet xij canes de mota et j limerum’ (Pipe Roll, 4 Joh., p. 136). Although Round quotes these actual words in a footnote, in his text he describes it as ‘an interesting instance of a pack of six couples, with a “berner” ‘(K.S., p. 272). The bishop was still owing this fine under Henry III (Turner, op. cit., p. 144).

^{page 63 note 3} Round, K.S., pp. 271, 279, 282; cf. the effigy of Guillaume Malgeneste, huntsman of the King of France, ‘tenant en laisse un limier’ (Bouchot, Inventaire des dessins … de Gaignieres, no. 190).

^{page 63 note 4} Round, K.S., pp. 281–4; cf. Turner, op. cit., pp. 134–5, 136, 144.

^{page 63 note 5} For the reasons why it is assumed that both the B.B. and R.B. versions were copied from the same earlier copy and not from the original, see Trans. R. Hist. Soc, 4th Ser., xxx, 155.

^{page 63 note 6} Referring to p. 55 above, Mr. Charles Johnson informs me that he accepts my conclusion that the Mueta Regis was probably an officer of the household, in charge of the hounds.