^{page 59 note 1} The real date of this voyage is, however, 1555–6.

^{page 60 note 1} Thirty-six maps, of which fifteen seem to be new to the collection inserted in the Insulaire.

^{page 60 note 2} Corfu, Nicaria, Venice, Cyprus.

^{page 60 note 3} Pressmark K. 113, six maps (Brazza, Bua, Cursola, Pago, Veggia, Zara), of which three (Bua, Cursola, Pago) do not occur in the MS. of Thevet's Insulaire.

^{page 60 note 4} In Thevet's Pourtraicts et Vies similar fanciful stories are related of the portraits of Dionysius of Alexandria (taken from a MS. acquired at Athens, p. 12) and of Philo (found in an excavation at Alexandria, p. 85) where the portraits speak for themselves.

^{page 60 note 5} Ed. Schefer, and Cordier, (Recueil de Voyages, iv.) Paris, 1883.Google Scholar

^{page 60 note 6} Ed. Boyer, , Vocabulaire Français-russe, in Mém. Orientaux, Congrès de 1905, Paris, 1905.Google Scholar

^{page 61 note 1} In Schefer's, edition of Possot, Denis (Recueil de Voyages, xi. (1890), 245 ff.).Google Scholar

^{page 61 note 2} Ed. Holleaux in the French School's publication Delos, section Cartographie, App. iii.

^{page 61 note 3} B.S.A. xvi. 183 f.

^{page 61 note 4} Bulletin de Géographie historique et descriptive (Commission de Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques), 1888, 201. The same author makes a similar attempt to defend Thevet in his edition (1879) of Les Singulariléz de la France Antarctique.

^{page 61 note 5} The story of a Jew at Anaphi recorded by Thevet is too quaint to omit:—

(Insulaire, f. 173). ‘Ce mot de Namphie est un mot Grec vulgaire corrompu qui ne signifie autre chose en nostre langue que Isle sans serpent, la raison est telle suiuant l'histoire des Insulaires qu'il ne s'y trouua jamais serpent ny autre beste venimeuse, encore que plusieurs Philosophes en ayant apporté par curiosité de [la] terre continentale, entre autres un Juif que l'on appelait Azarias, lequel apporta de la Morée deux grandes fioles de verre pleines de ces bestes serpentines et vipères aussy, les quelles bestes furent mises toutes en vie dans vn grand jardin du pere du dit Juif, nommé Athalai riche marchand natif de Ramad ville en Judée. Ceste vermine ayant pris et gouste l'air et la terre de l'Isle incontenant mourourent present plusieurs personnes.' The idea, based evidently on the false etymology of the name of the island, comes from Buondelmonti's (1420) Liber Insularum (§ 41) the names being our author's inventions. This, as we shall see, is a fair sample of his methods of composition.

^{page 62 note 1} A copy of this rare book is said by Asher in his edition of Benjamin (ii. 3) to have existed in the Bibliothèque Nationale, though it could not be found for his inspection: Thevet may have made his translation from it.

^{page 62 note 2} Below p. 63.

^{page 63 note 1} Historia della S. Religione di S. Giovanni, ii. 238, 334.

^{page 63 note 2} For Albanians in Zea see B.S.A. xv. 226.

^{page 63 note 3} B.S.A. xvii. 169.

^{page 63 note 4} Ibid. 180.

^{page 64 note 1} ii. 778.

^{page 64 note 2} ii. 805.

^{page 64 note 3} So Weiss in Michaud's Biographie Universelle.

^{page 64 note 4} i. 161, 205.

^{page 64 note 5} This poem is reprinted in Gaffarel's edition of Thevet's Singularitez (preface, x. ff.). Gaffarel himself wishes to spread the Levant travels over seventeen years.

^{page 64 note 6} In the Vies (i. 17) he pretends to have visited Carpathos, and in the Cosmographie Universelle (233b) Samos.

^{page 64 note 7} Athènes, i. 49 ff.

^{page 64 note 8} Cosmographie du Levant, 99 f.

^{page 65 note 1} The poem is most accessible in Laborde's, Athènes, i. 257 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 2} Cosmog. Univ. 795 b; the inscription (I.G. iii. 401, 402) was first copied by Cyriac of Ancona, first printed, apparently, by Crusius, (Turcograecia, (1584) 461).Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 3} In Laborde, op. cit. i. 47: ‘au bout de la mer avoit ung gros lyon de pierre par lequel au temps passé sortoit une fontaine.’ S. Blancard's diary remained in manuscript till its publication in Charrière's, Négotiations de la France dans le Levant, i. (1848).Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 4} On this see B.S.A. xvi. 223.

^{page 65 note 5} p. 79.

^{page 65 note 6} p. 104.

^{page 65 note 7} p. 266 b.

^{page 66 note 1} pp. 205 b, 206.

^{page 66 note 2} The earliest view of Nauplia known to me, which is closely related to Thevet's, is in a collection of engraved maps published by G. F. Camotti at Venice about 1571 (B.M. Maps 6, b. 41). Famagusta is figured in various accounts of the Turkish conquest of Cyprus.

^{page 66 note 3} Cosm. Univ. 833 (inscription from arsenal at Constantinople) = C.I.G. 8679.

^{page 66 note 4} Cosm. Univ. 800.

^{page 66 note 5} Cosm. Univ. 815.

^{page 66 note 6} Ibid. 819. The epitaph from Homer's tomb in Samos (Cosm. Univ. 805, Thaphos menimory, megalos, oproctos, toup (sic) homiros) is too foolish to be a pure forgery: it is probably based on an ignorant copy of a commonplace text. Even Thevet does not claim to have seen this, but says it was discovered in 1083.

^{page 66 note 7} Cosm. Univ. 794 b.

^{page 66 note 8} Another passage (p. 793) mentioning a great monastery on Parnassus I took first to be the earliest Western reference to S. Luke's in Stiris. But Mount Athos is referred to in almost identical terms by the pilgrim Alessandro Ariosto (1475–8, ed. of Ferrara 1878, III).

^{page 67 note 1} p. b. ij.

^{page 67 note 2} Hist. Sui Temporis, Liv. xi. ad fin. (Paris, 1604, ii. 248 f.): ‘professione primo Franciscanus, dein, cum uix litteras sciret, abiecto cucullo ex monacho celeberrimus planus relligiosis & aliis peregrinationibus primam aetatem contriuit, ex quibus fama contracta, animum ad libros scribendos inepta ambitione applicuit, quos alieno calamo plerumque exaratos & ex itinerariis vulgaribus atque huiusmodi de plebe scripturis confarcinatos, miseris librariis pro suis venditabat, nam alioqui litterarum, antiquitatis, atq. omnis temporum rationis supra omnem fidem fuit imperitus; vt fere incerta pro certis, falsa pro veris & absurda semper scriberet. equidem memini cum amici quidam mei viri docti & emunctae naris ad eum animi gratia ventitarent, me praesente tam absurda quaedam, tam ridicula, quae pueri uix crederent, illi persuasisse, vt ipse risum non tenerem. vt me hodie misereat multorum, qui cum in litteris multum videant, agyrtae tarnen illius fucos non solum non pervideant, sed eius nomen cottidie in libris suis honorifice appellent; mirarique saepius subiit qui (sic) fieri potuerit vt homo, cui tam facile imponeretur, tanti nominis viris tam turpiter imponat: quos ideo nunc monitos cupio, vt in posterum insciti et inepti nebulonis nomine ac testimonio praeclara scripta sua contaminare desinant.’

^{page 67 note 3} In his edition of Thevet's Singularitez (preface, xxx).

^{page 68 note 1} de Léry, J., Histoire d'un Voyage en la Terre du Brésil, 3rd ed. (Geneva, 1580), 89.Google Scholar The author's opinion of Thevet is given at some length in the preface.

^{page 68 note 2} Several of his works are obvious plagiarisms in form. The Cosmographie du Levant is a more pretentious, but infinitely less valuable version of Belon's, Observations (1553, etc.)Google Scholar; the conception of the Cosmographie Universelle is taken from Münster's, Cosmographey (1554, etc.)Google Scholar; and the Grand Insulaire is obviously an attempt to outdo Porcacchi's popular Isolario. In the same way we may suspect a connection between Thevet's Pourtraicts et Vies des Hommes Illustres and Brantôme's Vies des Hommes Illustres (published first in 1666), and between his Bataille à Dreux (1563) and de la Motte Fenelon's, Siège de Metz (1553)Google Scholar, which passed through many editions. It is significant that a single edition of Thevet's works was generally sufficient for the public.

^{page 68 note 3} His main interest seems, as Boyer has pointed out ( Vocabulaire Français-russe, 6), in languages. He appears from the conversation reported in Cosmog. Univ. 816 to have been fairly fluent and idiomatic in modern Greek.