1. The concept was forged by Giorgio Chittolini to designate communes that do not have the status of papal cities but which have equal or superior demographic, economic, and political weight. See Chittolini, Giorgio, “‘Quasi-città.’ Borghi e terre in area lom-barda nel tardo medioevo,” Società e storia 47 (1990): 3–26 Google Scholar, reprinted in Chittolini, Giorgio, Città, comunità e feudi nell’Italia centro-settentrionale (secoli XIV-XVI) (Milan: Unicopli, 1996), 85–104 Google Scholar.

2. Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, Pergamena, no. 838; text mentioned in Camillo Acquacotta, Lapidi e documenti alle memorie di Matelica (Ancona: Baluffi, 1838), 1:111 and published (abridged) in ibid. (1839) doc. 100, 2:181-90. The parchment is included in the inventory by Grimaldi, Giulio, Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, Indice delle pergamene, no. 838, p. 281 Google Scholar.

3. “Item auctoritate et potestate predictis pro bono pacis et concordie inter dictas partes et in provincia Marchie, et pro conservatione dicte pacis, concordie et ami / citie, volumus, ordinamus, declaramus, deffinimus, precipimus et mandamus quod commune Camerini eligat et deputet quatuor, sex vel octo probos et sapientes homines civitatis Camerini infra octo dies et quelibet ex dictis communautiis Sancti Severini, Fabriani et Mathelice infra dictum terminum deputet totidem et quelibet ex dictis terris Camerini, Fabriani, Sancti Severini et Mathelice in comuni et etiam singulares persone dictarum terrarum patresfamilias dent plenam, generalem et liberam potestatem illis quos duxerint depu-tandos pro singulis terris predictis trac / tandi, ordinandi et faciendi sponsalia et matrimo-nia infrascripta. Et etiam si opus fuerit et predictis probis viris deputandis visum fuerit expedire de bonis terrarum predictarum de quibus assumentur mulieres sponsalia vel matrimonium contrahentes in totum vel in / partem dotandi easdem. Per predictos autem probos viros ad hec deputatos procuretur effectualiter et ordinetur quod de civi-tate Camerini maritentur quadraginta mulieres, quarum alique sint de majoribus, alique de mediocribus et alique de aliis dicte civitatis in castro Sancti Severini / et viginti in castro Mathelice et decem in castro Fabriani. Et vice versa, quadraginta mulieres de majoribus, mediocribus et inferioribus castri Sancti Severini et viginti de castro Mathelice et decem de castro Fabriani maritentur in dicta civitate Camerini. Et / de dictis matri-moniis compleatur et fiat tertia pars infra duos menses proximos, altera vero tertia pers infra alios duos menses tunc sequentes et alia tertia pars infra alios duos menses post dictos quatuor menses immédiate sequentes. Illi autem qui accipient in uxores mulieres / civitatis Camerini sint et reputentur cives predicte civitatis et illi de dicta civitate Camerini qui recipient in uxores mulieres dictarum terrarum Fabriani, Sancti Severini et Mathelice sint et reputentur castellani illius terre, de qua originem uxor acceperit eorumdem.” Grimaldi, Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, no. 838, published in part in Acquacotta, Lapidi e documenti 2:184-85.

4. Analyzing Pierre-Paul Rubens’s painting, L’enlèvement des filles de Leucippe, completed between 1615 and 1618, Margaret Caroll demonstrated that the union of a man and woman from enemy clans does not in itself lead to peace. The latter is instead the result of the fact that men become brothers by exchanging women. See Caroll, Margaret D., “The Erotics of Absolutism: Rubens and the Mystification of Sexual Violence,” Représentations 25 (1989): 3–30 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. Lévi-Strauss, Claude, “La politique étrangère d’une société primitive,” Politique étran-gère 14-2 (1949): 146 Google Scholar.

6. See Sahlins, Marshall, Islands of History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), vii Google Scholar.

7. Although both of these terms (pax and concordia) were used by the writer to describe the text studied here, I have chosen to use the term concordia, or “peace treaty” in English. The term pax refers to peace as well as calm and tranquility (also on a personal level), whereas concordia only refers to calm established between several elements and denotes a community of feeling, union, and harmony. See Osbat, Anna, “‘È il perdonar magnanima vendetta,’ I pacificatori tra bene comune e amor di Dio,” Ricerche di storia sociale e religiosa 53 (1998): 125 Google Scholar. Of the two ancient divinities referred to by Ovid and Cicero, Pax and Concordia, the oldest is Concordia who personifies the political union of citizens and the affection between relations, especially between husbands and wives.

8. Amongst those that have been preserved, one can cite the peace between Macerata and Ancona (1269), Macerata and Montecassiano (1272), Macerata and Montolmo (today Corridonia; 1272) or between Macerata and Montemilone (today Pollenza; 1277). See Cecchi, Dante, “Sull’istituto della Pax dalle costituzioni Egidiane agli inizi del secolo XIX nella Marca di Ancona,” Studi maceratesi 3 (1968): 128 Google Scholar.

9. Text published in Giuseppe Colucci, Della Antichità Picene (Fermo: 1786-1797), anastatic reproduction (Ripatransone: 1999): 19:LXXIII-LXXIX.

10. No other copy was preserved in the three other communes concerned by the treaty. However, a copy exists in the Vatican archives and is partially published in Schütte, Ludwig, Vatikanische Aktenstücke zur Italienischen Legation des Duranti und Pilifort, d. J. 1305-1306 (Leobschütz: Drück von W. Witke, 1909), 29–32 Google Scholar.

11. It is thus possible to observe how an appeal before the rector by a commune in the Marche really functioned. In these acts, at the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries, one can also consult the number of mills purchased by the commune, lists of taxpayers per neighborhood, etc. See Grimaldi, , Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, 254–87 Google Scholar.

12. After 1312, this league was referred to as the Liga Amicorum terrarum Marchiae. See Villani, Virginio, Signori e comuni nel medioevo marchigiano. Il Conti di Buscareto (Ancona: Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, 1992), 59–62 Google Scholar.

13. Guillaume VI Durand (Bishop of Mende from 1296 until his death in 1330) was the nephew of Guillaume V Durand, the author of Rationale divinorum officiorum. During the summer of 1305, Pope Clement V had already given him, along with Pelfort de Rabastens, a mandate to intervene in favor of the Ghibellines besieged in Pistoia by the Guelphs (without success). Pelfort de Rabastens, Abbot of Lombez, became Bishop of Pamiers from 1312 to 1317, was made Cardinal by Pope John XXII in 1320, and died around 1330. On Guillaume Durand, see Maurice, Philippe, Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae – Diocèse de Mende (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), note 129Google Scholar.

14. Acts 820, 829, 831, 835, and 836 respectively, in Grimaldi, Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, 278-81.

15. Acts 840 and 841 respectively. Ibid., 281-82, partially published in Acquacotta, Lapidi e documenti, nos. 101 and 102, pp. 190-99.

16. See Zdekauer, Lodovico, Gli atti del Parlamento di Montolmo del 25 gennaio 1306 (Rome: Tipografia della R. Academia dei Lincei, 1915)Google Scholar; Zdekauer, Lodovico “Magistrature e Consigli nei Comuni Marchigiani agli inizi del Trecento,” Atti e memorie della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Marche series III, vol. II, 1916-1917, pp. 221–57 Google Scholar. See also Cecchi, Dante, Il Parlamento e la Congregazione provinciale della Marca di Ancona (Milan: Giuffrè, 1965)Google Scholar.

17. The government administrators included magister Francesco di Crisco for Camerino (February 10, 1306), Branchitto di Andrea for San Severino (January 23, 1306), Cicco di Villano di Tebaldo for Fabriano (January 21, 1306), and magister Matteo di magister Giunta for Matelica (January 22, 1306).

18. Nineteen years later, Frederic was one of the two commissioners mandated by Pope John XXII to prepare the canonization of Nicolas de Tolentino in 1325. See Lett, Didier, Un procès de canonisation au Moyen Age. Essai d’histoire sociale. Nicolas de Tolentino, 1325 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2008), 126–28 Google Scholar.

19. For an initial overview, see Barbero, Alessandro, “Il castello, il comune, il campanile. Attitudini militari e mestiere delle armi in un paese diviso,” in Storia d’Italia. Annali, vol. 18, Guerra e pace, ed. Barberis, Walter (Turin: G. Einaudi, 2002), 47–69 Google Scholar. For summa ries of the medieval period, see: Renna, Thomas “The Idea of Peace in the West, 500-1500,” The Journal of Medieval History 6-3 (June 1980): 143–68 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Petkov, Kiril, The Kiss of Peace: Ritual, Self, and Society in the High and Late Medieval West (Boston: Brill, 2003)Google Scholar. On the close social links between peace and war or, rather, reconciliation and penance at the end of the Middle Ages and in the modern era, see: Niccoli, Ottavia, “Rinuncia, pace, perdono. Rituali di pacificazione nella prima età moderna,” Studi storici 40-1 (1999): 219–61 Google Scholar; Bellabarba, Marco, “Pace pubblica e pace privata: linguaggi e istituzioni process-uali nell’Italia moderna,” in Criminalità e giustizia in Germania e in Italia: pratiche giudizi-arie e linguaggi giuridici tra tardo Medioevo ed età moderna, eds. Bellabarba, Marco et al. (Bologne: Il Mulino, 2001), 189–213 Google Scholar; and Osbat, “È il perdonar magnanima vendetta,” 121-46. A general study over the long term of the notions of pax and concordia in the March of Ancona is provided by Cecchi, “Sull’istituto della pax,” 103-61.

20. Fasoli, Gina, “La coscienza civica nelle ‘laudes civitatum,’” in La coscienza cittadina nei comuni italiani del Duecento, Atti del XI Convegno del Centro di Studi Sulla Spiritualità Medievale (Todi: Academia tudertina, 1972), 11–44 Google Scholar.

21. See Offenstadt, Nicolas, “Le pape et la paix,” in Faire la paix au Moyen Age. Discours et gestes de paix pendant la guerre de Cent Ans (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2007), 77–83 Google Scholar. Pope Clement VI’s Tertia vita, for example, qualified him as the “dispenser of harmony (concordie sator),” “in love with peace (pacis amator)” or “source of friendship (amicitie fomes).”

22. Many of these elites were present at the parliament in Montolmo the month before on January 15, 1306. In addition to the government administrators of each commune, there were, for Camerino, Brodario de Sassoferrato, Captain of the People, Berardo de Varano, and other representatives of the episcopal town (the most damaged part of the parchment); for San Severino, Rainaldo da Castiglione d’Arezzo, juris peritus and vicar of the podesta; for Fabriano, Tommaso da Labro, podesta; for Matelica, Giacomo da Acquapendente, juris peritus and vicar of the podesta.

23. Offenstadt, Faire la paix, 49.

24. Even though none of these four statutes bears the trace of this instruction, one can observe the ability of the statuti of Italian communes to quickly integrate contextual elements. This suggests that statutory texts, centered on local usage and deeply anchored in a specific territory, were not a rigid norm and instead provided a way of studying practices. As Paolo Cammarosano writes: “Chi analizza un testo statutario deve quindi cercare in prima istanza di ricostruirne la posizione e la dinamica nel tempo, la relazione con le altre componenti del quadro istituzionale, l’articolazione in un sistema di relazioni territoriali.” See Cammarosano, Paolo, Italia medievale. Struttura e geografia delle fonti scritte (Rome: La Nuova Italia scientifica, 1991; repr. 2000), 156 Google Scholar.

25. In particular, the city of Camerino was required to return the Santa Maria castle, seized in 1293, to the Matelicans.

26. For a warning against the reification of context, see Bensa, Alban, “De la micro-histoire vers une anthropologie critique,” in Jeux d’échelles. La micro-analyse à l’expérience, ed. Jacques Revel (Paris: Gallimard/Le Seuil, 1996), 44 Google Scholar. While participants are undoubtedly influenced by context, they also contribute to the constitution of collective identities and the elaboration of categories. Before revealing the context (i.e., what we know in addition to the text), it is therefore necessary to “let the actors act.” Bruno Latour writes: “Instead of adopting a reasonable position and assigning a definite order in advance, the sociologist of the actor-network aims to be able to find order after leaving the actors to play out the range of controversies they are confronted with ... In other words, the task of defining and ordering the social must be left to the actors themselves rather than monopolized by the researcher.” Latour, Bruno, Changer de société, refaire de la sociologie (Paris: Éditions de la Découverte, 2006), 36 Google Scholar.

27. For an overview of the Marche in the Middle Ages, see Vigueur, Jean-Claude Maire, “Comuni e signorie in Umbria, Marche e Lazio,” in Storia d’Italia, ed. Giuseppe Galasso (Turin: Utet, 1987), 7:321–606 Google Scholar. For a concise summary of the political context in this region at the beginning of the fourteenth century, see Lett, Un procès de canonisation, 69-73, and especially the bibliography referred to in the notes. On the numerous conflicts between the communes, see: Leonhard, Joachim-Felix, Ancona nel Basso medioevo. La politica estera e commerciale dalla prima crociata al secolo XV (Bologne: Il Lavoro Ed., 1983; repr. 1992), 165–72 Google Scholar; Meriggi, Alberto, Incastellamento, espansione e conflitti in comune della Marca Anconetana nel Basso Medioevo (Tolentino: Edizioni Pezzoti, 1985); and Villani, , Signori e comuni Google Scholar.

28. Concerning Camerino, see Lili, Camillo, Dell’Historia di Camerino (con supplementi di F. Camerini) (Camerino, 1649; repr. 1885)Google Scholar. Concerning the Varanos, see Falaschi, Pier Luigi, “Berardo I da Varano signore di Camerino,” in Camerino e il suo territorio fino al tramonto della Signoria, Atti del XVIII convegno di studi maceratesi (Camerino, 13 au 14 novembre 1982) (Macerata: Centro di studi storici maceratesi, 1983), 15–76 Google Scholar.

29. Vigueur, Jean-Claude Maire, “Nello Stato della chiesa: da una pluralità di circuiti al trionfo del guelfismo,” in I podestà dell’Italia comunale, vol. 1, Reclutamento e circolazione degli ufficiali forestieri (fine XII sec.-metà XIV sec.), ed. Vigueur, Jean-Claude Maire, (Rome: École française de Rome, 2000), 2:790–91, note 83 Google Scholar.

30. Concerning San Severino, see Paciaroni, Raoul and Ruggeri, Oreste, San Severino Marche. Contributi per una storia da rifare (Quaderni di Miscellanea Settempedana) (San Severino Marche: Bellabarba Editori, 1981)Google Scholar. Concerning Fabriano, see Pirani, Francesco, Fabriano in età comunale. Nascita e affermazione di una città manifatturiera (Florence: Nardini, 2003), 54–62 Google Scholar (for discussion of the territorial expansion of the commune at the end of the thirteenth century). Concerning Matelica, see Simonetti, Maria Paola, Matelica aurea. La storia di Matelica in età medievale (Matelica: Geronimo, 2003 Google Scholar). The reputation of Matelica as Guelph did not prevent the commune experiencing “Ghibelline” periods. See Simonetti, Matelica aurea, 84-88. It is important to remember that during this period, Guelph referred to communes that supported the alliance between Anjou and Florence and its hegemony, and Ghibelline referred to the communes that challenged this hegemony. See Raveggi, Sergio, “Da Federico II a Carlo d’Angiò: l’Italia dei guelfi e dei ghibellini,” Storia della società italiana 6 (1986): 255–79 Google Scholar. However, the conflicts between communes only partially cover the opposition between Guelphs and Ghibellines, as the example dealt with here reveals. These “labels” are above all a pretext for the local elites to extend their dominium over a given territory in order to consolidate the possession of urban seigniory. As François Menant writes, “These two terms have become referents of identity that no longer really connote any type of government in Italy but which are transmitted from one generation to another, setting apart a particular town, family (or part of a family) or a political party within a town.” Menant, François, L’Italie des communes (1100-1350) (Paris: Belin, 2005), 98 Google Scholar.

31. Simonetti, Matelica aurea, 76-77.

32. See Villani, Virginio, “Origine e sviluppo delle autonomie comunali marchigiane,” in Istituzioni e statuti comunali nella Marca d’Ancona. Dalle origini alla maturità (secoli XI-XIV), I, Il quadro generale, ed. Virginio Villani (Ancona: Consiglio regionale delle Marche, 2005), 41–227 Google Scholar.

33. As a result, in 1305, the rector of the Marche required Matelica to pay a fine of 5,000 silver marks and reimburse damages. The inhabitants of Matelica appealed this decision, arguing that they had sought, on the one hand, to help the nobles of Fano (then enemies of Fermo)—who were oppressed by Pandolfo Malatesta—and, on the other hand, to give the town its freedom. They were sentenced on December 9, 1305. See Acquacotta, , Lapidi e documenti, vol. 2, nos. 97 and 98, pp. 174–78 Google Scholar.

34. Zdekaurer, Lodovico, Gli atti del Parlamento di Montolmo del 15 gennaio 1306 (Rome: Tipografia della R. Academia dei Linai, 1915)Google Scholar; Zdekaurer, Lodovico, “Magistrature e Consigli nei comuni marchigiani agli inizi del Trecento,” Atti e Memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, 3-2 (1916-1917): 221–44 Google Scholar; Cecchi, , Il Parlamento e la Congregazi-one; and Pirani, Francesco, “Bonifacio VIII e la Marca di Ancona,” Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo 112 (2010): 382–87 Google Scholar. This article can be consulted on the Reti Medievali website: http://fermi.univr.it/rm/biblioteca/saaffale/p.htm#FrancescoPirani .

35. In this account made to the Pope, the legates also indirectly recognized incidents of frequent abuse perpetrated by provincial public servants of the Marche region. This account was published by Davidsohn, Robert, “Rubricadestatu Marchie,” in Forschungen zur älteren Geschichte von Florenz (Berlin: E. S. Mittler und Sohn, 1896-1908), 3:294–95 Google Scholar.

36. Acquacotta, Lapidi e documenti, vol. 2, no. 101 (dated March 29, 1306); see also Lili, Dell’Historia di Camerino, 64 onward.

37. Text published by Theiner, , Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis Sanctae Sedis. Recueil de documents pour servir à l’histoire du gouvernement temporel des États du Saint-Siège. Extraits des Archives du Vatican (Rome: Impr. du Vatican, 1861), vol. 1, doc. DLXXI, pp. 391–95 Google Scholar. See Pirani, “Bonifacio VIII e la Marca di Ancona,” 373-75.

38. This occurred during a time of increasing appeals to local priests (for Matelica, see the acts cited in notes 10 and 11). For the activity of the provincial curia in the March of Ancona at the very end of the thirteenth century, see Montecchi, Thérèse Boespflug, “Montolmo e la curia rettorale negli ultimi decenni del secolo XIII,” Studi maceratesi 25 (1989): 101–16 Google Scholar.

39. Text published by Theiner, Codex diplomaticus, doc. DLXXVII, 398.

40. Sandro Carocci has argued for the increasing divide during the Trecento between the demand for greater autonomy on the part of the communes of the Papal States and the Pope’s policy to adopt a more intransigent program affirming his pre-eminence. See Carocci, Sandro, “Regimi signorili, statuti cittadini e governo papal nello Stato della Chiesa (XIV e XV secolo),” in Signori, regimi signorili e statuti nel tardo Medioevo, eds. Rolando Dondarini et al. (Bologne: Pàtron, 2003), 245–69 Google Scholar. See also Carocci, Sandro, Vassalli del papa. Potere pontificio, aristocrazie e città nello Stato della Chiesa (XII-XV sec.) (Rome: Viella, 2010), 161–91 Google Scholar.

41. On the theme of the woman as peacekeeper, see: Offenstadt, Nicolas, “Les femmes et la paix à la fin du Moyen Age. Genre, discours, rites,” in Le règlement des conflits au Moyen Age,XXXI^e Congrès de la SHMESP, Angers, juin 2000 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2001), 317–33 Google Scholar; Offenstadt, Faire la paix, 112-27.

42. Offenstadt discusses this in Faire la paix, 223. This phenomenon is above all demonstrated by royal or princely marriages in sixteenth-century France. See Ffolliott, Sheila, “Make Love, Not War: Imaging Peace through Marriage in Renaissance France,” in Peace and Negotiation: Strategies for Coexistence in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Diane Wolfthal (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 213–31 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43. Recent studies on this subject are numerous. Amongst them, see: Vigueur, Jean-Claude Maire, Cavaliers et citoyens. Guerre, conflits et société dans l’Italie communale, XII^e-XIII^e siècles (Paris: Éd. de l’EHESS, 2003)Google Scholar; Zorzi, Andrea, ed., Conflitti, paci e vendette nell’Italia communale (Florence: Firenze University Press, 2009 CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

44. Sanfilippo, Mario, “Guelfi e ghibellini a Firenze: la ‘pace’ del cardinal Latino (1280),” Nuova rivista storica 64 (1980): 22 Google Scholar.

45. Saint Augustine, The City of God, 14.1.

46. See Salvatori, Enrica, “I Giuramenti collettivi di pace e alleanza nell’Italia communal,” in Legislazione e prassi istituzionale nell’Europa medievale. Tradizioni normative, ordi-namenti, circolazione mercantile (secoli XI-XV), ed. Gabriella Rossetti (Naples: Liguori, 2001), 141–57 Google Scholar.

47. Ffolliott, “Make Love,” 215.

48. Enrica Salvatori also commented on this regarding the peace treaties of northern Italy between the second half of the seventeenth century and the middle of the eig-theenth century: “In tutte è evidente l’esigenza di cercare un consenso alla pace allargato e concreto, di assicurare l’adesione al patto da parte di una porzione ragguardevole, per numero e qualità, della popolazione.” Salvatori, “I Giuramenti collettivi di pace,” 149.

49. Offenstadt, Faire la paix, 226.

50. “Non enim patris animus potest adherere quieti, cuius mentem turbat et concutit dissentio filiorum.” Theiner, Codex diplomaticus, vol. 1, doc. DLXXVI, p. 397.

51. As early as 1889, Georges Espinas wrote: “Peace, the end and appeasement of disagreement, annulling the past, forever guarantees the future and removes any pretext for the renewal of war.” Espinas, Georges, “Les guerres familiales dans la commune de Douai aux XIII^e et XIV^e siècles : les trêves et les paix,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger 23 (1899): 419–20 Google Scholar.

52. For World War I, see: Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane, L’enfant de l’ennemi, 1914-1918. Viol, avortement, infanticide pendant la Grande Guerre (Paris: Aubier, 1995)Google Scholar; Ruth Harris, “The ‘Child of the Barbarian’: Rape, Race and Nationalism in France during the First World War,” Past and Present 141 (1993): 170-206. For World War II, see: Virgili, Fabrice, La France virile. Des femmes tondues à la Libération (Paris: Payot, 2000); Virgili, Fabrice, Naître ennemi. Les enfants de couples franco-allemands nés pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Paris: Payot, 2009 Google Scholar).

53. I examined this type of physical violence in my study of rape legislation in certain communal statutes in the Marche region. See Lett, Didier, “‘Connaître charnellement une femme contre sa volonté et avec violence.’ Viols des femmes et honneur des hommes dans les statuts communaux des Marches au XIV^e siècle,” in Le Moyen Age aujourd’hui. Mélanges Claude Gauvard, eds. Julie Claustre et al. (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2010), 447–59 Google Scholar.

54. The mercenary function of war in fourteenth-century Italy was documented by Mario Del Treppo, who demonstrated how all free companies functioned on the basis of contracts and emphasized client relations. See Treppo, Mario Del, “Gli aspetti organ- izzativi economici e sociali di una compagnia di ventura,” Rivista storica italiana 85 (1973): 253–75 Google Scholar. For a more recent study with an extensive bibliography, see Grillo, Paolo, Cavalieri e popoli in armi. Le istituzioni militari nell’Italia medievale (Rome: Laterza, 2008 Google Scholar).

55. For Fabriano, see: Castagnari, Giancarlo, ed., La città della carta. Ambiente società cultura nella storia di Fabriano (Fabriano: Città e Comune di Fabriano, 1986 Google Scholar); Pirani, Fabriano in età comunale.

56. See Previdi, Emilia Saracco, ed., Descriptio Marchiae Anconitanae (sec. XIV) (Ancona: Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, 2000)Google Scholar; revised version published in Emilia Saracco Previdi, Descriptio Marchiae Anconitanae da Collectoriae 203 dell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Spoleto: Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 2010). See also Ginatempo, Maria and Sandri, Lucia, L’Italia delle città. Il popolamento urbano tra Medioevo e Rinascimento (secoli XIII-XVI) (Florence: Le Lettere, 1990)Google Scholar. Chapter 2 of the second section of this book examines central Italy (Marche, Lazio, and Umbria); for the sections covering the Marche (117-128), the authors use this Descriptio. See also Bonasera, Francesco, “La Città delle Marche elencate nelle ‘Constitutiones Aegidianae’ (1357). Contributo alla Geografia Storica delle Marche,” Studia Picena 27 (1959): 93–105 Google Scholar. Now out-of-date, this article has been updated by Jansen, Philippe, “Les constitutions égidiennes de 1357. L’idée du fait urbain et sa classification au Moyen Age”, in Les petites villes du Moyen Âge à nos jours, eds. Poussou, Jean-Pierre and Loupès, Philippe (Paris: Éd. du CNRS, 1987), 15–28 Google Scholar.

57. Pirani, Fabriano in età comunale, 54-62.

58. See the act of June 20, 1305 in Grimaldi, Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, nos. 829 and 279.

59. The archives of Matelica contain an act in which Guillaume Durand and his paternal uncle of the same name recognizes having received from the government administrator of Matelica 225 pounds from Ravenna and Ancona as salary for the podesta for the year 1296, according to the statutory norms. Act listed by Grimaldi, Archivio Storico Comunale di Matelica, nos. 679 and 254.

60. In 1298, the podesta was Davide Paparoni da Ferentino, vicar general of the Marche; in 1301, it was Napoleone Orsini. See Acquacotta, Lapidi e documenti 1:349.

61. From May-June and then in November 1300, the podesta of Matelica was Signor Nicolo di Martinello da San Sepolcro. See Azzi, Giustiniano Degli, Gli Archivi della Storia d’Italia, series II, vol. II (Rocca San Casciano: Licinio Capelli, 1911), 266–67 and 269 Google Scholar. In the 1320s, the podesta were generally from the Varano family: Rodolfo di Nuto di Rodolfo in January 1321 and Gentile di Berardo in August 1323. See Gino Luzzato, preamble to Gli statuti del comune di San Anatolia del 1324 (Ancona: 1909), 1.

62. See Monnet, Pierre, “Élites et conflits urbains dans les villes allemandes de la fin du Moyen Age,” Cahiers d’Histoire, special issue “Élites et conflits” 45-4 (2001): 533–61 Google Scholar, and republished in Monnet, Pierre, Villes d’Allemagne au Moyen Age (Paris: Picard, 2004): 151–71 Google Scholar.

63. Amongst the plethora of work dealing with communal Italy (though there is very little focus on the Marche), see: Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, “Le Complexe de Griselda. Dot et dons de mariage au Quattrocento,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, Moyen Âge-Temps modernes 94-1 (1982): 7–43 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and republished in Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, La maison et le nom. Stratégies et rituels dans l’Italie de la Renaissance (Paris: Éd. de l’EHESS, 1990), 185–213 Google Scholar; Angela Groppi and Agnès Fine, eds., special issue “Femmes, dot et patrimoine,” Clio. Histoire, femmes et sociétés, 7 (1998); and the recent synthesis by Isabelle Chabot, La dette des familles. Femmes, lignage et patrimoine à Florence aux XIV^e et XV^e siècles (Rome: École française de Rome, 2011).

64. Dante’s expression is well known here and contemporaneous with our document: “Non faceva, nascendo, ancor paura / la figlia al padre, ché’l tempo e la dote / non fuggien quinci e quindi la misura.” (“The birth of a daughter did not yet dismay fathers since dowry and bride’s age were fitting, the one not too high the other not too low.”). Dante, The Divine Comedy: Paradisio, XV:103-5.

65. Worth mentioning here is the title of Section XCII of the Capitulum maleficiorum of the Esanatoglia statutes (1324), according to Luzzato: “Quod mulier quae fuerit dotata a patre vel alio consanguineo non possit ulterius petere partem de bonis patris.” Luzzato, Gli statuti del comune di San Anatolia, 79.

66. There are many examples in the statutes of areas near Esanatoglia: see sections IIC, CLXV, and CLXXXXVI of the Capitulum maleficiorum. Ibid., 81, 106, and 118.

67. Cited by Kovesi-Killerby, Catherine, Sumptuary Law in Italy, 1200-1500 (New York: Clarendon Press, 2002), 51 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

68. Espinas, “Les guerres familiales,” 423.

69. Archivio di Stato di Lucca, statuti, 5, book II, chap. 5, cited by Quertieri, Cédric, “Le devenir des étrangers. Prospective pour une histoire totale des forestieri à Lucques au XIV^e siècle,” (mémoire de master I, Université de Paris 1-Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2008), 130–31 Google Scholar.

70. See the many examples in Cecchi, “Sull’istituto della pax,” 118-21.

71. Dante Cecchi, ed., Gli statuti di Apiro dell’anno 1388 (Milan: Giuffrè, 1984), book III, XI, p. 124. As the communal legislator had to respect the principle according to which libera debent esse matrimonia, another solution consisted in taxing the dowries of women who married foreigners (in cases in which it was impossible to prevent the union). In 1264, the Venice statutes stipulated that the dowries of women who married foreigners were to be partly directed to the commune, with the husband keeping only 200 pounds. See Statuti di Vicenza. Monumenti storici della Deputazione Veneta di Storia patria (Venise: 1886), 1.140, and cited by Bellavitis, Anna, Identité, mariage, mobilité sociale. Citoyennes et citoyens à Venise au XVI^e siècle (Rome: École française de Rome, 2001), 154, note 51 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber suggests that matrilocal marriages were considered dishonorable for the families of the Florentine or Bolognese elite. See Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, “La vie domestique et ses conflits chez un maçon bolonais du XV^e siècle,” in Le petit peuple dans l’Occident médiéval. Terminologies, perceptions, réalités, eds. Pierre Boglioni et al. (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2002), 489.

73. See Lett, Didier, “Liens adelphiques et endogamie géographique dans les Marches de la première moitié du XIV^e siècle,” special issue “Frères et sœurs. Ethnographie d’un lien de parenté,” Médiévales 54 (2008): 53–68 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74. There are many studies of Italian medieval citizenship (cittadinanza). For example, see: the seminal article by Bizzarri, Dina “Ricerce sul diritto di cittadinanza nella costit-uzione comunale,” Studi senesi (1916): 19–136 Google Scholar, and reprinted in Bizzarri, Dina, Studi di storia del diritto italiano (Turin: S. Lattes, 1937), 61–158 Google Scholar; Pietro Costa, Civitas, storia della cittadinanza in Europa, vol. 1, Dalla civiltà communale al settecento (Rome: Laterza, 1999), 3-50; Pietro Costa, “The Discourse of Citizenship in Europe: A Tentative Explanation,” in Privileges and Rights of Citizenship: Law and the Juridical Construction of Civil Society, eds. Julius Kirshner and Laurent Mayali (Berkeley: Robbins Collection Publications, 2002), 199-225; and Cortese, Ennio, “Cittadinanza – diritto romano e diritto intermedio,” in Enciclopedia del diritto (Varèse: Giuffrè, 1960), 7:127–40 Google Scholar. On the theme of gender and citizenship, see: Julius Kirshner “Genere e cittadinanza nelle città-stato del Medioevo e del Rinascimento,” in Innesti. Donne e genere nella storia sociale, ed. Giulia Clavi (Rome: Viella, 2004), 28-35; and Bellavitis, Identité, mariage, mobilité sociale.

75. Kirshner, Julius “‘Civitas sibi faciat civem’: Bartolus of Sassoferrato’s Doctrine on the Making of a Citizen,” Speculum 48 (1973): 694–713 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76. Cecchi, Dante, “Sugli statuti comunali (secoli XV-XVI) di Jesi, Senigallia, di alcune ‘terrae et castra’: Filottrano, Montemarciano, Ostra, Ostra Vetere,” in Nelle Marche cen-trali. Territorio, economia, societa tra Medioevo e Novecento: l’area esino-misena, ed. Sergio Anselmi (Jesi: Cassa di Risparmio, 1979), 550 Google Scholar. On the status of foreigners, see L’étranger au Moyen Age, XXX^e Congrès de la SHMESP, Göttingen, June 1999 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2000). On Italy, see Ascheri, Mario, “Lo straniero nella legislazione statutaria e nella letteratura giuridica del Tre-Quattrocento: un primo approccio,” in Forestieri e stranieri nelle città basso-medievali, Atti del Seminario Internazionale di Studio Bagno, a Ripoli, (Firenze), 4-8 giugno 1984 (Florence: Salimbeni, 1988), 7–18 Google Scholar. On the Marche, see Cecchi, Dante, “Disposizioni statutarie sugli stranieri e sui forestieri,” in Stranieri e forestieri nella Marca dei secc. XIV-XVI, Atti del XXX Convegno di studi maceratesi, Macerata, 19-20 novembre 1994 (Macerata: Centro di studi storici maceratesi, 1996), 29–91 Google Scholar.

77. See the many examples found in the statutes in the Marche in Cecchi, Dante, Statuta Castri Campirotundi (1322-1366): Proprietà fondiaria ed agricultura negli statuti della Marca di Ancona (Milan: Giuffrè, 1966), 50-52, note 33 Google Scholar.

78. Pini, Antonio Ivan, “La politica demografica ‘ad elastico’ di Bologna fra il XII e il XIV secolo” in Città medievali e demografia storica. Bologna, Romagna, Italia (secc. XIII-XV) (Bologne: CLUEB, 1996), 105–47 Google Scholar.

79. Costa emphasized this: “Non vi è una cittadinanza, ma una pluralità di condizioni soggettive differenziate e gerarchizzate. La cittadinanza non è uno status uniforme: i suoi contenuti sono determinati da parametri volta a volta diversi che danno luogo a complicate tipologie: cittadini originari o acquisiti, cives ex privilegio o de gratia, cittadini di antica o recente immigrazione; ancora: cittadini che abitano prevalentemente in città o cittadini residenti per lungo tempo fuori città, e allora dotati di minore tutela.” Costa, Civitas, storia, 15.

80. Dante Cecchi pointed out that there is a difference between civis and habitator in the Marche: “Si noti la differenza tra il civis e l’habitator: quest’ultimo è a volte trattato come il cittadino, anche se non è cittadino pleno jure.” Cecchi, Statuta Castri Campirotundi, 55.

81. Marsilius of Padua, Il difensor della pace (Turin: Utet, 1975),174, and cited by Costa, Civitas, storia della cittadinanza, 27.

82. Bizzarri, “Ricerce sul diritto,” 67-68.

83. Bartolus de Sassoferrato, commentary of Transfundit originem uxoris in originem viri, in Digeste, 50, I, 38, and cited by Gilli, Patrick, “Comment cesser d’être étranger. Citoyens et non-citoyens dans la pensée juridique italienne de la fin du Moyen Age,” in L’étranger au Moyen Age, XXX^e Congrès de la SHMESP, Göttingen, June 1999 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2000), 59 Google Scholar, note 1. See also: Kirshner, Julius, “Donne maritale altrove. Genere e cittadinanza in Italia,” in Tempi e spazi di vita femminile tra medioevo ed età moderna, eds. Silvana Seidel Menchi et al. (Bologne: Il Mulino, 1999): 377–429 Google Scholar; Riesenberg, Peter, Citizenship in Western Tradition: Plato to Rousseau (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992 Google Scholar).

84. Glossa ordinaria a Cod. 10.40 (39), 7. According to Kirshner, this is an important innovation because “the immutability of one’s personal origin was a sacred principle under Roman law.” Kirshner, “Donne maritale altrove,” 379.

85. Bartolus of Sassoferrato (who died in 1357) criticized the doctrine of the Glossa. While he indeed defended the principle of a single legal personage for married couples and the superiority of the husband, he considered the woman’s loss of citizenship upon marriage to a foreigner harmful. He proposed a clever compromise allowing for the reconciliation of the Corpus juris and the Glossa: as a sign of submission to her husband, the woman had to adopt his citizenship. However, she could nonetheless conserve her rights as a citzen in the place she was born. Bartolus’s text quickly became a model for jurists interested in the problem of marriage between people from different cities, but it came after the Concordia studied here. See Kirshner, “Donne maritale altrove,” 384.

86. Medici, Maria Teresa Guerra, L’aria di città. Donne e diritti nel comune medievale (Naples: Esi, 1996), 19 Google Scholar.

87. Bellavitis, Anna, “Donne, cittadinanza e corporazioni tra Medioevo ed età moderna: ricerche in corso”, in Corpi e storia. Donne e uomini dal mondo antico all’età contemporanea, eds. Nadia Maria Filippini et al. (Rome: Viella, 2002), 103 Google Scholar.