^{page 29 note 1} Bede, , Historia Ecclesiastica 1. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 2} Blair, P. Hunter, The World of Bede (London, 1970), pp. 224–5.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 3} See Lowe, E. A., English Uncial (Oxford, 1960).Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 4} HE v.7.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 5} Aiföldi, A., ‘The Moral Barrier on Rhine and Danube’, Transactions of the Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, ed. Birley, E. (Durham, 1952), p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 6} Tacitus. Germania, 2.Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 1} They are, for example, a recurrent motif in Wallace-Hadril, J. M., Eary Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (Oxford, 1971).Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 2} Bede, , preface to HE.Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 3} Whitelock, D., ‘The Old English Bede’, Proc. of the Brit. Acad. 48 (1962), 62.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 1} HE 1.15.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 2} English Historical Documents 1, ed. Whitelock, D. (London, 1955), 748.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 3} HE v.9.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 4} Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epist. Sel. 1, 76.Cf. Wigberht to Lull, Ibid. p. 276.

^{page 31 note 5} Fox, C., Offa's Dyke (London, 1955), pp. 289–90.Google Scholar Cf. Widsith 35ff. and Beowulf 1954ff. Fox also suggests that Wat's dyke may have been named after the hero Wade.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 6} Felix's Life of Saint Guthlac, ed. Colgrave, B. (Cambridge, 1956), cc. xvi and xviii.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 7} On Aldhelm see Wright, C. E., The Cultivation of Saga in Anglo-Saxon England (Edinburgh, 1939), pp. 21–2.Google Scholar Cf. Bede's death-song in Cuthbert's ‘Epistola de Obitu Bædae’ in Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford, 1969), p. 582.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 8} Wulfstan's Canons of Edgar, ed. Fowler, R., Early Eng. Text Soc. 266 (London, 1972), no. 59, p. 54, and no. 18, p.6.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 1} Cited in Blair, P. Hunter, An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1956), p. 331.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 2} These allusions, and the evidence that survives to elucidate them, are discussed in Whitelock, D., The Audience of Beowulf (Oxford, 1951), esp. pp. 34ff.Google Scholar and in Wilson, R. M., The Lost Literature of Medieval England, 2nd ed. (London, 1970), ch. I.Google Scholar See also Alistair, Campbell, ‘The Use in Beowulf of Earlier Heroic Verse’, England before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources presented to Dorothy Whitelock, ed. Peter, Clemoes and Kathleen, Hughes (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 283–92.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 3} The legends alluded to in Widsith are dealt with in Chambers, R. W., Widsith (Cambridge, 1912).Google Scholar Note also the reference to Ing in the runic poem in Runic and Heroic Poems, ed. Dickins, B. (Cambridge, 1915), p. 20.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 4} Lethbridge, T., Recent Excavations in Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries in Cambridgesbire and Suffolk (Cambridge, 1931), p. 56Google ScholarDavidson, H. R. Ellis mentions a lost bowl from Sandwich which was repaired with plates stamped with figure ornament; The Early Cultures of North-West Europe (H. M. Chadwick Memorial Studies), ed. Bruce, Dickins and SirFox, Cyril (Cambridge, 1950), pp. 135–6.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 5} Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., The Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial, 2nd ed. (London, 1972), pp. 30—1.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 6} For a general account of the casket, see Elliott, R. W. V., Runes: an Introduction (Manchester, 1959), pp. 96f.Google Scholar For some more recent theories see Bouman, A. C., ‘The Franks Casket: Right Side and Lid’, Neophilologus 49 (1965) 241f.CrossRefGoogle ScholarD';Ardenne, S. R. T. O., ‘Does the Right Side of the Franks Casket Represent the Burial of Sigurd?’, Études Germaniques 21 (1966), 235f.Google ScholarBall, C. J. E., ‘The Franks Casket: Right Side’, ESts 47 (1966), 119f.Google ScholarKarl, Hauck, ‘Vorbericht über das Käastchen von Auzon’, Frübmittelalterliche Studien 2 (1968), 415f.Google ScholarRoss, M. C., ‘A Suggested Interpretation of the Scene Depicted on the Right-Hand Side of the Franks Casket’, MA 14 (1970), 148f.Google Scholar See also below, p. 34, n. 6.

^{page 33 note 1} Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, W., Rolls Series (1874), p. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 2} Appendix to Biddle, M., ‘Excavations at Winchester 1965’, AntJ 46 (1966), 329f.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 3} The Chronicle of Ætbelweard, ed. and trans. Campbell, A. (London, 1962), pp. 9, 18 (Withar) and 33 (Baldr and Sceaf).Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 4} Ibid. p. 1. On his additions, see pp. xxxv-vi.

^{page 33 note 5} HE 1.15.

^{page 33 note 6} Felix, , Vita Sauti Gutblaci, trans. Colgrave, C. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 7} Sisam, K., ‘Anglo-Saxon Royal Genealogies’, Proc. of the Brit. Acad. 39 (1953), 327.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 8} Ibid. pp. 305–6.

^{page 33 note 9} Daniel of Winchester's letter to Boniface, in English Historical Documents 1, 733.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 10} MGH, Epist. Karol. Aevi, 2, 192.

^{page 33 note 11} Quoted by Stenton, F. M., Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England, being the Collected Papers of Frank Merry Stenton, ed. Stenton, D. M. (Oxford, 1970), p. 381.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 1} The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Preface (A), and s.a. 552, 597 and 855; Northumbrian genealogies are given s.a. 547 and 560 and Mercian s.a. 626 and 757; Chronicle of Ætbelweard, p. 33; Asser, De Rebus Gestis Ælfredi, i. See also Sisam, ‘Anglo-Saxon Royal Genealogies’.

^{page 34 note 2} Sisam, ‘Anglo-Saxon Royal Genealogies’, p. 308.

^{page 34 note 3} Chronicle of Æthelweard, pp. 9 and 18.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 4} English Historical Documents 1, 732.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 5} Cited in Mayr-Harting, H., The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (London, 1972), p. 22.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 6} As is suggested in Davidson, H. E. Ellis, ‘The Smith and the Goddess’, Frümittelalterliche Studien 3 (1969), 216f.Google Scholar Cf. Mr Ryan's, view of the appearance of Woden in the genealogies, ‘Othin in England’, Folklore 74 (1963), 462.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 34 note 7} As suggested in Barlow, F., Edward the Confessor (London, 1970), p. 35.Google ScholarMight the ‘inlaid sword which belonged to Withar’ possibly have been comparable? See Anglo-Saxon Wills, ed. Whitelock, D. (Cambridge, 1930), p. 61.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 1} Bruce-Mitford, , Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial, P. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 2} See Moore, W. J., The Saxon Pilgrims to Rome and the Scola Saxonum (Freiburg, 1937).Google Scholar

An itinerary survives of a visit to Rome by Sigeric in 990/4, but his description of the city is confined to a list of churches: see Magoun, F. P. Jr. ‘The Rome of Two Northern Pilgrims’, Harvard Theal. Rev. 33 (1940), 267f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 35 note 3} Gibbon, E., The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. 71.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 4} It appears in the Colleclanea of the Bede corpus. See Canter, H. V., ‘The Venerable Bede and the Colosseum’, Trans. and Proc. of the Amer. Philol. Assoc. 61 (1930), 15of.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 5} HE 11.4.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 6} ‘Anonymous Life of St Cuthbert’, Two Prose Lives of St Cuthbert, ed. and trans. Colgrave, B. (Cambridge, 1940), iv. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 7} HE I.5, 11, 12 and 26 and 111.2 and 22.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 8} Historians of the Church of York 1, ed. Raine, J., RS (1879), lines 19f. (pp. 349–50).Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 9} Cartularium Saxonicum, ed. Birch, W. de G. (London, 1885–1893), no. 424.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 10} Chronicle of Æthelweard, trans. Campbell, pp. 5–6.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 11} E.g. Cotton Gnomic Poem 2, The Wanderer 87 and Andreas 1235 and 1495.

^{page 36 note 1} Reculver: ASC, l.a. 669; Bradwell, : HE 111. 22Google Scholar; and Burgh Castle: Ibid. 111.19. See HE, ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, p. 270, n. a for other examples.Google Scholar For the use of Roman sites for churches, see Joan, Evans, ‘Anniversary Address’, AntJ 40 (1960), 127.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 2} HE iv. 19. Cf. Sebbi's coffin, Ibid. iv.11, where the fact that the coffin turned out to be too small may suggest that it too was being re-used.

^{page 36 note 3} ‘Benedictio super vasa reperta in locis antiquis’, The Durham Ritual (ed. Brown, T. J., EEMF 16 (1969), 46v)Google Scholar cited in Wright, T., ‘On Antiquarian Excavations and Researches in the Middle Ages’, Archaeologia 30 (1844)Google Scholar It is, of course, possible that these remains were native rather than Roman.

^{page 36 note 4} Matthew, Paris, Chronica Maiora1 vi, RS (1882), pp. 387–8.Google ScholarThere is no evidence that it was brought from Italy, as suggested in Barlow, F., The English Church 1000–1066 (London, 1963), p. 20.Google ScholarFor an intaglio set in a late Saxon ring from Faversham, Kent, see Dalton, O. M., Franks Bequest Catalogue (London, 1912), no. 206.Google ScholarThe St Martins, Canterbury, hoard, which contained an intaglio set in a pendant, is probably early-seventh-century (see Hawkes, S. C., Merrick, J. M. and Metcalf, D. M., ‘X-ray Florescent Analysis of Some Dark Age Coins and Jewellery’, Archaeometry 9 (1966), 105–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar also Philip, Grierson, ‘The Canterbury (St Martins) Hoard of Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Coin-Omaments’, BNJ 3rd ser. 7 (1955), 48).Google ScholarSo too is the boat grave at Snape, Suffolk, which produced an intaglio set in a Saxon ring (Proc. of the Suffolk Inst. of Archaeology 26 (1952–1954), 13–14). On intaglios from pagan Saxon graves, see below, p. 49, n. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 5} Evans, J., Magical Jewels of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Oxford, 1922), pp. 95–6 and 320.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 6} , H. M. Joan and Taylor, , Anglo-Saxon Architecture (Cambridge, 1965) 1, 12 and passim.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 7} Collingwood, R. G. and Wright, R. P., The Roman Inscriptions of Britain 1 (Oxford, 1965), nos. 130 (Daglingworth) and 105Ia (Jarrow). Cf. no. 262 (from Lincoln, possibly post-Conquest).Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 1} Implied by Taylor, and Taylor, , Anglo-Saxon Architecture 1, 304.Google Scholar However Collingwood, W. G. is negative: ‘we do not know that it was used as Ornament there’ (Northumbrian Crosses of the Pre-Norman Age (London, 1927), p. 22).Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 2} Taylor, and Taylor, , Anglo-Saxon Architecture 11, 537–8.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 3} Ibid. 1, 146 and 331 (dated as ‘Saxo-Norman’).

^{page 37 note 4} Brown, G. Baldwin, Anglo-Saxon Architecture (London, 1925), pp. 140 and 143.Google ScholarTaylor, Cf. and Taylor, , Anglo-Saxon Architecture 1, 412 (Market Overton, Rutland) and 11, 661 (Wickham, Berkshire)Google Scholar and Butler, R. M., ‘A Roman Gateway at Portchester Castle?’. AniJ 35 (1955), 219ff. (Titchfield, Hants.).Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 5} But on the question of whether the ‘Escomb fashion’ of jamb construction was learnt from Gallic masons or Roman remains, see Taylor, H. M., ‘The Origin, Purpose and Date of the Pilaster-Strips in Anglo-Saxon Architecture’, North Staffordshire Jnl of Field Stud. 10(1970), 30.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 6} HE v.21 and Historia Abbatum, 5.

^{page 37 note 7} HE 11.5. Cf. Wallace-Hadril, J. M., ‘Rome and the Early English Church: Some Questions of Transmission’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo 7 (1960), esp. 528–9Google ScholarWallace, Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship, pp. 32ff.Google Scholar On Roman law in Saxon England see also Cook, A. S., ‘Aldhelm's Legal Studies’, JEGP 23 (1924), 105f.Google ScholarSenior, W., ‘Roman Law in England before Vacarius’, Law Quartwly Rev. 46 (1930), 191f.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 8} As suggested in Saxl, F. and Wittowker, R., British Art and the Mediterranean (London, 1948), p1. 13, fig. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 9} Saxl, F., ‘The Ruthwell Cross’, Jnl of the Warburg and Courtauld Insts. 6 (1943)if.,Google Scholar and Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., Evangeliorum, Quattuor Codex Lindisfarnensis 11 (Olten, 1960), 115–16 and 283.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 1} Okasha, E., Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971), nos. 61 and 28.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 2} Whitelock, D., ‘The Numismatic Interest of an Old English Version of the Legend of the Seven Sleepers’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, R. H. M. (London, 1965), p. 189.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 3} See below, p. 50, n. I. On the insertion of late imperial coins in jewelled pendants, see Jessup, R., Anglo-Saxon Jewellery (London, 1950), p1. 28.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 4} These coins and their prototypes are discussed in Kent, J. P. C., ‘From Roman Britain to Saxon England’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, , pp. 10ff.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 5} The pennies are illustrated in Dolley, M., Anglo-Saxon Pennies (London, 1964).Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 6} Blunt, C. E. and Dolley, M., ‘A Gold Coin of the Time of Offa’, NC 7th ser. 8 (1968), 151f.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 1} The peniiy of Atheistan is illustrated in Brooke, G. C., English Coins, 3rd ed. (London, 1950), pl. xiv, fig. 15Google Scholarthat of Edward is discussed by Dolley, M., North Staffordshire Jnl of Field Stud. 10 (1970), 42–3.Google ScholarMr, Dolley has also suggested to me that the flower type of Edmund may be typologically devolved from Alfred's Victoria Augg type.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 2} ‘From Roman Britain to Saxon England’, p. 53.

^{page 39 note 3} It is interesting in this connection that Alfred's Victoria Augg type was the only coin on which he claimed the title ‘Rex Anglorum’.

^{page 39 note 4} Deanesley, M., ‘Roman Traditionalist Influence among the Anglo-Saxons’, EHR 58 (1943), 129–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 39 note 5} See below, pp. 47–8.

^{page 39 note 6} Chambers, R. W., ‘The Mythical Ancestor of the Kings of East Anglia’, MLR 4 (1908–1909), 508–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 39 note 7} Lines 76 and 15—16.

^{page 39 note 8} ‘Roman Traditionalist Influence’, p. 130.

^{page 39 note 9} ‘York Minster’, CA 2 (1969–1970), 163.

^{page 40 note 1} See Bruce-Mitford, , Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial, p. 21Google Scholar, and Proc. of the Suffolk inst. of Archaeology 25 (1949–1951), 13ff. (where he links the standards with their appearance on the sceallas).Google ScholarBut much remains hypothetical, as does Mr Hunter Blair's suggestion that the suppression of names from the Northumbrian regnal lists was inspired by the Roman practice of damnatio memoriac (Early Cultures of Norlb-IVest Enrope, ed. Dickins, and Fox, , pp. 248–9).Google ScholarOn building E at Yeavering, which Dr Bruce-Mitford considers the ‘most astonishing demonstration’ of the Northumbrian kings’ revivalism, ‘obviously based on a cuneus of a Roman theatre’ (Codex Lindisfarnensis, p. 115Google Scholar, see see Hope-Taylor, B., ‘The Site at Ad Gefrmn’, unpub. Cambridge Ph.D. thesis, pp. 273f.Google Scholar But it is difficult to assess so unusual a feature and there is no evidence of conscious revivalism.

^{page 40 note 2} See below, p. 47.

^{page 40 note 3} The Kiddles of Aldbelm, ed. Pitman, J. H., Yale Stud. in Eng. 67 (New Haven, 1925), no. 99.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 4} Ibid. no. 35.

^{page 40 note 5} English Historical Documents 1, 776.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 6} He used Jerome, Rufinus, Isidore and others; see Mommsen's edition, MGH, Auct. Ant. 13, 247ff.

^{page 40 note 7} Quotations are noted and printed in italics in Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Charles, Plummer (Oxford, 1896) 1, 9ff.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 8} E.g. in Grammatici Latini vii, ed. Keil, H. (Leipzig, 1880), 245, he refers to the war between Caesar and Pompey.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 9} Barbara, Green, ‘An Anglo-Saxon Bone Plaque from Larling, Norfolk’, AntJ 51 (1971), 32If.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 10} Chronicle of Æthelweard, trans. Campbell, , pp. 11 and 18.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 1} Ed. Brown, T. J., EEMF 16, 86v–87r.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 2} So Liggins, E. M., ‘The Authorship of the Old English Orosius’, Anglia 88 (1970), 290 and 321.Google Scholar But see J. M. Bateley, ‘King Alfred and the Old English Translation of Orosius’, Ibid. pp. 433ff. and Bateley, , ‘The Classical Additions in the Old English Orosius’, England before the Conquest, ed. Clemoes, and Hughes, , pp. 237ff.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 3} Preface to ‘Pastoral Care’, English Historical Documents 1, 819.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 4} Ed. Sweet, H., EETS o.s. 79 (London, 1883), 70–2 (Book 2, 4) and 234 (Book 5, 18).Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 5} Grammatici Latini vii, 258; see also Bonner, G., ‘Bede and Medieval Civilization’, ASE 2 (1973), 71–90.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 6} Letter to Wihtfrid, quoted in Duckett, E. S., Anglo-Saxon Saints and Scholars (London, 1947), pp. 39–40.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 7} Ed. Pitman, , nos. 95 and 100.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 8} All ed. Fr, Glorie, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 133 (1968)Google Scholar. On Porphyrius, see Levison, W., England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1948), p. 145.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 9} Hunter, Blair, World of Bede, pp. 289–90.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 10} Ibid. p. 290 and Laistner, M. L. W., ‘The Library of the Venerable Bede’, Bede, his Life, Times and Writings, ed. Thompson, A. Hamilton (Oxford, 1935), pp. 243–4.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 1} Hunter, Blair, World of Bede, p. 249.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 2} Cf. MGH, Epist. Karol. Aevi 2, 39; Long, O. F., ‘The Attitude of Alcuin towards Vergil’, Studies in Honor of B. L. Gilder sleeve (Baltimore, 1902), pp. 377ff.Google Scholar and Sanford, E. M., ‘Alcuin and the Classics’, Classical Jnl 20 (1925), 526f.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 3} Historians of the Church of York (ed. Raine, ), pp. 395–6.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 4} Fontaine, J., Isidore de Séville et la Culture Classique dans l'Espagne Visigothique (Paris, 1959), p. 743.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 5} Cf. Reynolds, L. D. and Wilson, N. G., Scribes and Scholars (Oxford, 1968), p. 79Google Scholar and Levison, , England and the Continent, p. 144.Google Scholar Irish influence should, however, perhaps be considered: it was because Wihtfrid was bound for Ireland that Aldhelm warned him against the seductions of classical literature (see above, p. 41), and Irish scholars are often said to have had fewer inhibitions about such reading than English. See Stanford, W. B., ‘Towards a History of Classical Influences in Ireland’, Proc. of the R. Irish Acad. 70(c) (1970), 13f.Google Scholar and Bieler, L., ‘The Classics in Celtic Ireland’, Classical Influences on European Culture AD 500–1500, ed. Bolgar, R. R. (Cambridge, 1971). pp. 45ff.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 6} Cambridge University Library, Gg.5.35, an eleventh-century Canterbury manuscript, once contained some of Cicero's orations, but these are no longer there. See Ogilvy, J. D. A., Books Known to the English 597–1066 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. III.Google Scholar Two late Saxon manuscripts of Persius survive, Cambridge, Trinity College 0.4.10 and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. F.1.15.

^{page 42 note 7} Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. F.4.32, ed. Hunt, R. W. (St Dunstan's Classbook from Glastonbury, Umbrae Codicum Occidentalium 4 (1961)).Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 8} Lapidge, M., ‘Three Latin Poems from Æthelwold's School at Winchester’, ASE 1 (1972), 109.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 9} ‘The Use in Beowulf of Earlier Heroic Verse’, p. 283.

^{page 42 note 10} Old English Glosses, ed. Napier, A. S. (Oxford, 1900), passim.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 11} E.g. English Historical Documents 1, 553, a charter of Cnut, invokes Neptune.

^{page 43 note 1} King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgfield, W. J. (Oxford, 1899), esp. ch. XXXVIII (pp. 115–16).Google ScholarOn their source, see Donaghey, B. S., ‘The Sources of King Alfred's Translation of Boethius's De Consolations Philosophiae’, Anglia 82 (1964), 23f.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 2} Homilies of Ælfric: a Supplementary Collection, ed. Pope, J. C., EETS 259–60 (London, 1967–1908), 676f.Google Scholar A small section of Ælfric's homily was adapted by Wulfstan, , The Homilies of Wulfstan, ed. Bethurum, D. (Oxford, 1957), pp. 221f.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 3} Homilies oj Ælfric, ed. Pope, , pp. 682–3.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 4} The Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus, ed. Kemble, J. M. (London, 1848), p. 125.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 5} ‘Anonymous Life of St Cuthbert’, trans. Colgrave, IV.8.

^{page 43 note 6} ‘The Smith and the Goddess’, p. 225 (though there is no need to accept her ‘Wodenic’ overtones).

^{page 44 note 1} Ogilvy, , Books Known to the English, pp. 190, 230–2, 239–40 and 217.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 2} Whitelock, Cf. D., ‘The Prose of Alfred's Reign’, Continuations and Beginnings, ed. Stanley, E. G. (London, 1966), p. 90.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 1} Seznec, J., The Survival of the Pagan Gods (New York, 1953), p. 44.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 2} ASC, s.a. 855 and see Magoun, F., ‘King Æthelwulf's Biblical Ancestors’, MLR 46 (1951), 249–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Asser identifies Sceaf and Seth: De Rebus Gestis Alfredi, 1.

^{page 45 note 3} Emerson, O. F., ‘Legends of Cain, Especially in Old and Middle English’, PMLA 21 (1906), 831ff, esp. 878f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 45 note 4} Mercury was said to be worshipped in high places, an attribute of Othin's. See Homilies of Ælfric, ed. Pope, , pp. 715 and 684–5 (lines 141f.).Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 1} Ed. Sedgfield, W. J., ch. xix (p. 46).Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 2} Ibid. ‘The Lays of Boethius’, ch. x (p. 165).

^{page 46 note 3} For a different view, see Donaghey, ‘The Sources’, p. 40.

^{page 46 note 4} Cf. Frankis, P. J., ‘The Thematic Significance of enta geweorc and Related Imagery in The Wanderer’, ASE 2 (1973), 253–69.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 5} Whitelock, , Audience of Beowulf, pp. 60–1.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 6} On a group of place-names derived from the Weland legend surrounding Wayland's smithy, see Grinsell, L. V., ‘Wayland's Smithy, Beabbild's Byrigels and Hwittuc's Hlaew: a Suggestion’, Trans. of the Nembury District Field Club 8 (1939), 136f.Google ScholarOn places named after Wade, see Chambers, , Widsitb, pp. 97–8.Google Scholar The association of earthen barrows with the giants and dragons of Germanic mythology is comparable. See Dickins, B., ‘English Names and Old English Heathenism’, Essays and Stud. 19 (1934), 148ff.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 7} Except for Bede's remark that the traces of the stakes in the Thames with which the Ancient Britons resisted Julius Caesar's advance ‘are visible even today’ (HE 1.2) and his suggestion that the Britons originally came from Armorica (Ibid. 1.1).

^{page 47 note 1} Anglo-Saxon Poetry, trans. Gordon, R. K., rev. ed. (London, 1954), p. 84.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 2} Preface to D text.

^{page 47 note 3} Ed. Sweet, H., p. 224 (v.4).Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 4} Quoted by Loyn, H. R., ‘The Term Ealdorman in the Translations Prepared at the Time of King Alfred’, EHR 68 (1953), 518.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 5} Lines 175ff. Discussed in Whitelock, Audience of Beowulf, pp. 77f.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 6} ASC, s.a. 853. Cf. Asser, De Rebus Gestis Alfredi, VIII and English Historical DocumentsI, 810.Google ScholarBut see Nelson, J. L., ‘The Problem of King Alfred's Royal Anointing’, Jnl of Eccles. Hist. 18 (1967), 145ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 47 note 7} Jones, P. F., A Concordance to the Historia Ecclesiastica of Bede (Cambridge, Mass., 1929), p. 252.Google Scholar Cf. on the later Saxon period the sources quoted in John, E., Orbis Britanniae (Leicester, 1966), pp 52–5.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 8} Birch, , Cartularium Saxonicum, no. 289.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 1} Folz, R., L'Idée d'Empire en Occident du V^e au VII^e Siècle (Paris, 1953), p. 22.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 2} Cf. Southern, R. W., ‘Aspects of the European Tradition of Historical Writing: I The Classical Tradition from Einhard to Geoffrey of Monmouth’, TRHS 5th ser. 20 (1970), 189–90.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 3} Blunt, C. E., ‘The Coinage of Offa’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, , p. 42.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 4} Ibid. pp. 24 and 215.

^{page 48 note 5} Chronicle of Æthelweard, trans. Campbell, , p. I.Google Scholar

^{page 49 note 1} HE 11.16. On its possible ‘Roman’ connotations, see above, p. 40, n. I; on its Germanic associations, see Chaney, W. A., The Cull of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England (Manchester, 1970), pp. 141ff.Google Scholar

^{page 49 note 2} Stenton, F. M., Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1971), p. 35. He considers this view of the title to be mistaken.Google Scholar

^{page 49 note 3} While Professor Deanesley has been the chief claimant of Roman revivalism (see ‘Roman Traditionalist Influence’), Professor Chaney's stress on pagan Germanic traditions is more misleading (see Chaney, The Cull of Kingship).

^{page 49 note 4} Meaney, A., A Gaelleer of Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Sites (London, 1964), passim.Google Scholar On settlements, e.g. Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire, see Archaeologia 73 (1923), 179 and Ibid. 76 (1927), pl. 8.

^{page 49 note 5} Meaney, , A Gaetleer, pp. 53, 97, 124, 189 and 268. Also pp. 107 and 115 (rings), p. 275 (buckles) and pp. 139 and 294 (beads).Google Scholar

^{page 49 note 6} In rings, from Alfriston, Sussex, Sussex Archaeol. Collections 56 (1914), 24Google Scholar, and Milton-near-Sittingbourne, , Kent, F. H. Marshall, Catalogue of the Finger Rings in the British Museum (London, 1907), no. 1651 and perhaps no. 1652Google Scholar(but see Payne, G., Collectanea Cantiana (London, 1893), pp. 86–7,Google Scholar apparently referring to this ring with no mention of Saxon context). In a brooch from Alveston, Warwickshire, Leeds, E. T., Anglo-Saxon Square-Headed Brooches (Oxford, 1949), no. 116Google Scholar; in a buckle from Lyminge, Kent, Archaeologia Cantiana 69 (1955), 24;Google Scholar in pendants from Epsom, Surrey, Illustrated London News 6860 (1971), 31,Google ScholarPakefield, Suffolk, VCH Suffolk I (1911), 347Google Scholar, and from Sibertswold Down, Kent, B. Fausett, Inventorium Sepulchrale (London, 1856), p. 131;Google Scholar and loose from Ozingell, Kent, C. Roach Smith, Colleclanea Antiqua III (London, 1854), pl. 5,Google Scholar and Sleaford, Lincolnshire, Archaeologia 50 (1887), 404.Google Scholar Dr Martin Henig has kindly informed me of two further examples, neither of them published: British Museum 1936 5–11.22 (from Howletts, Berkesbourme, Kent) and Worthing Museum 3452 (from High-down, Sussex), both in rings.

^{page 50 note 1} Meaney, , Gaetteer, passim. At Gilton, Kent, a pair of scales was found with eighteen weights, some of them Roman coins, VCH Kent i (1908), 354.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 2} Meaney, , Gaetteer, p. 229 (Lackford, Suffolk).Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 3} Ibid. p. 159 (Lovedon Hill, Lincoinshire).

^{page 50 note 4} E.g. Denton, Lincolnshire, Reports and Papers of the Lincolnshire Architectural and Archaeol. Soc. n.s. 10 (1963–1964), 94f.Google Scholar and North Stoke, Lincoinshire, (a bath-house), Archaeologia 22 (1892), 32.Google Scholar Cf. Meaney, , Gaetteer, pp. 54, 91 and 301.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 5} Meaney, , Gazetteer, pp. 200 and 259–60.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 6} Ibid. pp. 18–19 and passim.

^{page 50 note 7} Ibid. pp. 44, 144–5, 250 and 265.

^{page 50 note 8} Myres, J. N. L., Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement of England (Oxford, 1969), pp. 121–2.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 9} Skillet-handle, Meaney, Gazetteer, p. 262;Google Scholar skillet base, Ibid. p. 115 part of spoon, Ibid. p. 62; pin, Ibid. p. 134; disc, perhaps lid of seal box, Ibid. p. 88; scale of armour, Ibid. p. 62; lock, perhaps Roman, Ibid. p. 119; bronze tag, Ibid. p. 95. Some objects may have been valued for their moulded ornament, e.g. a metal ornament with a figure of winged Cupid as reaper, Ibid. p. 210; enamelled hare-shaped ornament, Ibid. p. 95; knife handle with hare and hounds design, Ibid. p. 115. Cf. a portion of a stone plaque carved with a winged figure found at Sutton Hoo (Mound 3) in 1938, Proc. of the Suffolk Inst. of Archaeology 30(1964), 16–17.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 10} Cf. Brown, P. D. C., ‘The Ironwork’, Excavations at Shakenoak III, ed. Brodribb, A. C. C., Hands, A. R. and Walker, D. R. (Oxford, 1972), 109.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 11} Douglas, J., Nenia Britannica (London, 1793), p. 92 (from Ash (Gilton), Kent).Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 12} Meaney, , Gazetteer, pp. 38, 170 and 300.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 13} Brown, , ‘The Ironwork’, p. 109.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 14} See Kenneth, Cameron, English Place-Names (London, 1961), esp. pp. 110–11.Google Scholar