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Tradition and Reform in Bourbon Chile: Ambrosio O'higgins and Public Finances*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Jacques A. Barbier*
Affiliation:
University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada

Extract

Some contemporary historians maintain that the administrative reforms of Charles III (1759-1788), bear a substantial part of the blame for the disruption of the Spanish empire. These reforms, they argue, alienated the American population. By ending the corrupt practices that had allowed Creoles to control their own affairs, the crown sowed the seeds of independence. Implicit in this view is the thesis that Charles' Minister of the Indies, José de Gálvez (1776-1787), carried out a “revolution in government” which permanently altered the behavior of the high colonial bureaucracy. Presumably, whereas Hapsburg administrators had been chiefly occupied with the pragmatic achievement of tasks, regardless of the means employed, Bourbon administrators became increasingly concerned with the mindless enforcement of rules devised in the Peninsula. In this fashion the autonomy of the bureaucracy was eroded, and the colonial population was deprived of its traditional means of influencing policy formation.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1978

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Footnotes

*

The author is Assistant Professor of History, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada.

References

1 The best statement of this synthetical position is to be found in Lynch, John, The Spanish-American Revolutions, 1808–1826 (New York, 1973), 124.Google Scholar His conclusions on the Hapsburg period are based on such work as that of Phelan, John L. on politics, notably his article “Authority and Flexibility in the Spanish Imperial Bureaucracy,” Administrative Sciences Quarterly, 5 (June, 1960), 4765,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and his book The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century (Madison, 1976).They also involve, in the economic sphere, a rejection of Borah, Woodrow W., New Spain’s Century of Depression (Berkeley, 1951).Google Scholar His conclusions on the late Bourbon period are based upon the works of a number of British historians (including that of Lynch himself), but its clearest, and most extreme, formulation is to be found in Brading, David A., Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico (Cambridge, 1971), 3392, in a section entitled “the Revolution in Government”.Google Scholar

2 The Irish-born O’Higgins entered Chile as a military surveyor and made his way through the ranks until he became commander of the forces stationed on the Indian frontier. Because of his success in this position he was named Intendent of Concepción in 1785, and promoted to Captain general of Chile in 1788. He became Viceroy of Peru in 1796. The standard biography is by Donoso, Ricardo, El marqués de Osorno, D. Ambrosio Higgins (Santiago de Chile, 1941).Google Scholar

3 Royal Decree of July 8, 1787, in Chile, Archivo Nacional, Archivo de la Real Audiencia, vol. 3127, pp. 128–135. (Henceforth cited as RA). See also Decreto del Rey uniendo a las cinco Secretarías de Estado y del Despacho de España los negocios respectivos a cada departamento en las Indias (Madrid, 1790).

4 O’Higgins to Ministry of War and Finance, August 4, 1788, in Chile, Archivo Nacional, Archivo de la Capitanía General, vol. 785, letter 10. (Henceforth cited as CG).

5 Larraín belonged to the junior branch of this house whose numerous connections were to earn it the title of the ochocientos in the independence era. Rozas was connected to both the Salas clientela of Santiago and the Urrutia Mendiburu clientela of Concepción.

6 The letters in question, all dated June 3, 1788, are to be found in CG, vol. 793, pp. 92–95.

7 Solar, Domingo Amunátegui, “Gobernante y cortesano,” Revista chilena de historia y geografía, no. 101 (July-December 1942), 521.Google Scholar Ambrosio O’Higgins was friendly with the conde de Montes de Oro, brother of the duque de San Carlos, and therefore had relations with the Aldunate family through the latter’s marital ties with the family of the Duke. Besides this, his camarilla was composed of a small group of clients like the Martínez de Rozas family, Juan Francisco de Larraín and Domingo de Tirápegui, and of old associates like the conde de Maule (of the cruz family), Diego de Hermida (Armida), and Juan Albano Pereyra. Later, when he reached success, he brought relatives into his entourage like Tomás and Carlos O’Higgins, and the more distantly related Demetrio O’Higgins.

8 The best account of the encomienda in Chile is Domingo Amunátegui Solar, Las encomiendas de indígenas en Chile (2 vols.; Santiago, 1909–1910).

9 Gardoqui to O’Higgins, R. O. of March 15, 1793, in CG, vol. 742, p. 47; and O’Higgins to Council of the Indies, October 14, 1794, in CG, vol. 793, letter 148.

10 Donoso, 191.

11 Porlier to President of Chile, R.O. of July 25, 1788, in CG, vol. 737, pp. 119r. 119v.; O’Higgins to Ministry of Grace and Justice, August 12, 1789, in CG, vol. 785, letter 41; R.O. of September 14, 1788, in RA, vol. 3128; O’Higgins to Grace and Justice, September 26, 1789 and November 11, 1789, in CG, vol. 785, letters 45 and 49; Audiencia to the king, November 11, 1789, in Santiago de Chile, Biblioteca Nacional, Copias y Documentos de D. José Toribio Medina, vol. 207, pp. 340r.–345v. (henceforth cited as SM); R.O. of April 5, 1790, in CG, vol. 739, pp. 81–82.

12 O’Higgins to Grace and Justice, October 24, 1791, and September 16, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letters 91 and 135. By 1793 it had been seven years since Cabildo books had been audited.

13 O’Higgins to War and Finance, November 5, 1788, in CG, vol. 785, letter 64; and O’Higgins to the king, November 8, 1788, in SM, vol. 205, pp. 54–57; O’Higgins to War and Finance, January 25, and 26, 1789, in CG, vol 785, letters 75 and 76; R.C. of December 7, 1790, in RA, vol. 3130, pp. 176–188.

14 See voto secreto of José Miguel Prado of July 4, 1786, in Chile, Archivo Nacional, Archivo del Cabildo de Santiago, vol. 65, pp. 4v.–5r. (Henceforth cited as CS).

15 See voto secreto of Francisco José de Santa Cruz, September 3, 1788, in CS, vol. 65, pp. 7v.–8v.; and acuerdo of April 28, 1791, in CS, vol. 76.

16 O’Higgins to Grace and Justice, November 16, 1792, in CG, vol. 786, letter 118; and acuerdo of May 17, 1791, in CS, vol. 76, pp. 1–3.

17 Votos secretos of José Teodoro Sánchez, Juan Domingo Tagle, and Diego Larraín, January 14, 1790, in CS, vol. 65, pp. 9r.–9v. The backers of the President on this occasion were alcalde Cisternas and regidores Juan de Santa Cruz, Juan de las Cuevas and José Ignacio Marán.

18 For the feelings of O'Higgins about Larraín see his letter to the ministry of Grace and Justice of April 12, 1794, in CG, vol. 786, letter 153. See also voto secreto of Prado and Espejo of January 19, 1793, in CS, vol. 65, pp. 10-11; and the “expediente formado sobre nulidad de las elecciones de procurador, syndico-mayordomo, y abogado echo por este illustre cabildo el dia 7 del corriente” in RA, vol. 2299, piece 4. From the election it is clear that the opposition could count on only four votes in the Cabildo. Among these were surely regidores Sánchez, Prado, and Espejo. In 1794 the opposition may have included either Santa Cruz or Manuel de Salas. See voto secreto of Prado in this same volume. Sánchez, who was an employee of the Audiencia, had been important in forming opinion in the Cabildo. He held office in 1785, 1786, 1787, 1788, 1790, and 1792 as procurador, abogado, or assessor.

19 See the acuerdo of February 22 and 23, 1793, in CS, vol. 76, pp. 27r.–28v.

20 Acuña to O’Higgins, R.O. of June 4, 1793, in CG, vol. 742, p. 114 and R.O. of December 2, 1794, in SM, vol. 245, item 9084.

21 Acuerdo of March 1, 1793, in CS, vol. 76, pp. 30r.–30v.; Audiencia to the king, February 8, 1793, in SM, vol. 211, pp. 19–24; President to the Minister of Grace and Justice, November 14, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 140. The account of this incident to be found in Carmagnani, Marcello, “La oposición a los tributos en la segunda mitad del siglo xviii,” Revista chilena de historia y geografía, no. 129 (1961), 158195,Google Scholar is based on a misreading of Sala Medina documentation.

22 Acuerdo of July 21, 1786 and September 6, 1787, in CS, vol. 73, pp. 41v.–42v. and 81v.–83r.; August 19, 1788, September 26, 1788 and February 21, 1789 in CS, vol. 74, pp. 17–18, 20–23, and46r.–46v.

23 Acuerdos of June 26, 1789 and October 7, 1789, in CS, vol. 74, pp. 56–57 and 71v–73r.; June 18, 1793, October 31, 1793, April 1, 1794, October 27, 1795, and March 8, 1794, in CS, vol. 76, pp. 34r.–34v., 38–39, 49v.–50r., 59v.–60r., and 48–49; and also R.O. of September 5, 1795, in RA, vol. 3131, pp. 54r.–55v.

24 See Cabildo to the king, February 16, 1793, in SM, vol. 211, pp. 118–153 for its support of the public works program; see acuerdo of August 12, 1790, in CS, vol. 74, pp. 86–88 for an example of its feuding with the Audiencia.

25 O’Higgins to War and Finance, February 4, 1790, in CG, vol. 785, letter 204.

26 Ibid.

27 Decreto del Rey uniendo a las cinco Secretarías, article 17.

28 O’Higgins to the Council of the Indies, February 6, 1790, in CG, vol. 793, letter 47.

29 O’Higgins to War and Finance, May 6, 1790, in CG, vol. 785, letter 246.

30 O’Higgins to War and Finance, July 14, 1790, in CG, vol. 785, letter 277.

31 O’Higgins to War and Finance, September 9, 1788, in CG, vol. 785, letter 35; and July 7, 1790, in CG, vol. 785, letter 268; O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, August 17, 1791, in CG, vol. 786, letters 79 and 80.

32 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, June 9, 1791, in CG, vol. 786, letter 60.

33 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, November 15, 1791, in CG, vol. 786, letter 94.

34 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, December 6, 1790, in CG, vol. 786, letter 19. Also Antonia de la Cerda y Barreda vs. the estate of Francisco Antonio Moreno y Escandón in RA, vol. 2430, pieces 11 and 13.

35 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, May 20, 1792 in CG, vol. 786, letter 125; November 12, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 209; and January 10, 1794, in CG, vol. 786, letter 222.

36 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, December 6, 1790, in CG, vol. 786, letter 19; and April 5, 1791, in CG, vol. 786, letters 47 and 48.

37 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, January 10, 1792, in CG, vol. 786, letter 103.

38 Personal letter of O’Higgins to Valdés, September 19, 1792, in CG, vol. 793, pp. 214–218. O’Higgins to War, February 6, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 218.

39 O’Higgins to War, February 6, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 218; O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, February 6, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 171. Also Chile, Archivo Nacional, Archivo de la Contaduría Mayor—Primera Serie, schedule of monthly salaries for resguardo of aduana of Santiago in 1794, vol. 3620.

40 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, February 6, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 171; November 13, 1793, in CG, vol. 786, letter 210; March 12, 1795, in CG, vol. 786, letter 273.

41 O’Higgins to Finance and Commerce, December 6, 1790, in CG, vol. 786, letter 19.

42 O’Higgins to War and Finance, September 9, 1788, in CG, vol. 785, letter 36; título of assessor given Ramón de Rozas by O’Higgins, October 20, 1788, in CG, vol. 797; O’Higgins to War and Finance, January 28, 1787, in CG, vol. 785, letter 24.

43 O’Higgins to the king, August 26, 1796, in SM, vol. 213, pp. 264–271; memorial of F. de B. de Araoz, September 15, 1796, in SM, vol. 213, pp. 272–279; memorial of line officers of Santiago of June 14, 1796, in SM, vol. 213, pp. 251–253; Audiencia to the king, July 16, 1796, in SM, vol. 213, pp. 259–263; R.O. of September 10, 1797, in CG, vol. 746, pp. 23(r.–23(v.; and “expediente promovido por el coronel de milicias D. José Martínez de Aldunate para obtener el gobierno interino de la Plaza y Puerto de Valparaíso” in CG, vol. 421.

Research for this article was made possible by grants from the Henry L. and Grace Doherty Charitable Foundation and the Canada Council.