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Part III Introduction

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Summary

FOLLOWING THE SALE of the Saturday Review, Frank Harris and Graham did not meet for almost fifteen years. When they did meet, in 1912, Harris noted that ‘he [Graham] had altered indefinably … the fine colouring had faded, and the light of his eyes was dimmed. He had grown old, the spring of hope had left him.’ However, this was not borne out by his activities. The Manchester Guardian confirmed that he had lost none of his high profile, nor his enthusiasm for change:

He is a well-known figure in the West End of London, not only in the clubs, but also in Trafalgar Square, where he has probably made more speeches than any other living man … and is always in the middle of any revolutionary movement. He does not favour the moderate groups of Socialists, but is generally to be found associated with the extremists.

Graham had been politically active from the start of the new century, attacking imperialism, particularly international intrigues in Morocco, and he had lost none of his fire defending the unemployed, supporting socialist candidates, and attacking Labour. For example, he supported the ‘Labour and Socialist’ candidate, W. G. Leechman, at the Springburn by-election in Glasgow in 1912, but he accused Labour MPs of ‘a lack of courageous action on behalf of those whose money sent them to the Commons’.

The First World War would have the double effect of revitalising Graham by giving his life renewed purpose, and precipitating a major political watershed, wherein he became more cynical over the direction that socialism was taking, both nationally and internationally. This part of the study examines the possible causes of his cynicism, and his reactions. It also examines the roots of his surprising bellicosity over the war, wherein his previous anti-imperialism was silenced, and he developed a negative attitude towards political events in Ireland.

Moreover, as an unexpected outcome of his ill-conceived attempt to re-engage with post-war parliamentary politics, and despite his support for Britain’s role in the recent conflict, he would find a new position as a political figurehead in a reborn Scottish national consciousness. This remains another landmark in Graham’s current reputation in the world of Scottish politics, as one of the founders of modern Scottish nationalism, but an attempt is also made in the study to establish his true role and significance.

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R. B. Cunninghame Graham and Scotland
Party, Prose, and Political Aesthetic
, pp. 185 - 186
Publisher: Edinburgh University Press
Print publication year: 2022

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