The death of Yuan Shih-k'ai in June 1916 ushered in the era of the warlords and yet throughout the ensuing decade or more of militarism, the Peking government remained the symbol of China's national sovereignty and hoped-for unity. In the absence of a dynasty, a dominant personality or a ruling party, the government at Peking still represented the idea of the state. In particular it was sustained by a widespread faith in constitutionalism, a belief that had grown up among Chinese patriots at the turn of the century along with the rise of nationalism.

When China's newly-trained and -equipped navy was sunk by the Japanese in the war of 1894–5, many politically conscious Chinese concluded that ‘self-strengthening’ of an essentially technological and military nature was not enough to save China. At the same time, they were struck by the coincidence that all the most powerful countries in the world, including Japan, had more or less recently adopted constitutions. Furthermore, specialists in the new foreign discipline of political science asserted that a properly drafted constitution was the key to stable, effective government anywhere. It seemed clear that only a constitution could make China strong.

Despite disagreement over the form a Chinese constitution should take, most Chinese political thinkers agreed on two points. First, despite a basic unity of interests between government and people, the Chinese state was weak. This was due to the passivity of the people, which could be overcome by granting them a direct stake in government through such institutions of participation as study societies, elections and legislatures.