Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Epigraph
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Chapter One Philipp Wilhelm von Hörnigk – His Life, Times and Place in History
- Chapter Two An Age of Reason? Enlightenment and Economics
- Chapter Three Cameralism–Baroque-o-nomics
- Chapter Four Extremis Morbis Extrema Remedia – Analytical Summary of Hörnigk's Oesterreich über alles (1684)
- Chapter Five How Europe Got Rich – The Austrian Example
- Appendix The Known Publication Record of Hörnigk's Book
- Austria Supreme (if it so wishes) (1684)
- Index
Chapter Three - Cameralism–Baroque-o-nomics
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 July 2018
- Frontmatter
- Epigraph
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Chapter One Philipp Wilhelm von Hörnigk – His Life, Times and Place in History
- Chapter Two An Age of Reason? Enlightenment and Economics
- Chapter Three Cameralism–Baroque-o-nomics
- Chapter Four Extremis Morbis Extrema Remedia – Analytical Summary of Hörnigk's Oesterreich über alles (1684)
- Chapter Five How Europe Got Rich – The Austrian Example
- Appendix The Known Publication Record of Hörnigk's Book
- Austria Supreme (if it so wishes) (1684)
- Index
Summary
Cameralist Economic Theory
How successful the Cameralists and their theory were is indicated by the fact that ‘by the time they had disappeared in the middle of the nineteenth century, they had amassed a collective bibliography of more than 14,000 items, according to Magdalene Humpert (1937).’ And from work currently in process by former Harvard University librarian Ken Carpenter, we know that hundreds of ‘German’ cameralist texts and textbooks found their way into other languages and scientific cultures, such as Swedish and Italian. On what Cameralism was, what it represented and what – or rather how much – it contributed to the emergence and evolution of modern economics there has been perhaps more controversy than unity. Mercantilism (and Cameralism) have suffered from a series of accusations, mainly by twentieth-century scholars, that are, upon hindsight, more a reflection of academic fashion and convention than deep insight. The main charges can be summarized as follows, at the risk of oversimplification inherent to any such exercise.
• Mercantilist economics lacked theoretical foundation and epistemological stringency. Even eminent Marxist economic historians spoke about the theoretische Armseligkeit des Kameralismus (here they shared common ground with the liberal interpretation), or ‘Mercantilism in the service of the feudal state’ – ‘Merkantilismus des deutschen Zwergstaates.’ There was no Cameralist thinker, as the saying went in the Communist interpretation of the history of political economy, who would have matched the analytical level and rigour of the contemporary English Mercantilists. German theory remained as primitive and backword as the German economy throughout 1600–1900, it was said. Both interpretations can be challenged on the basis of more recent research.
• It was likewise often maintained that Mercantilism/Cameralism represented no ‘closed’ or ‘unified’ theory (usually taken to mean a theory that explains everything, that is, all types of possible economic fields and constellations, out of itself, such as Marxism or Keynesian economics).
• Perhaps the gravest of all charges may be the accusation that Cameralism (in the same way as Mercantilism) lacked the potential to raise general economic welfare in a Pareto-optimal way if applied as an economic policy – as though such characteristics would either be necessary or represent conditiones sine qua non, in a sense of being ultimately relevant, for determining how good or useful one particular theory really is in terms of improving the economic fate of mankind.
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- Publisher: Anthem PressPrint publication year: 2018