This chapter analyzes the influences of the disparate impact of public sector innovation. It is one thing for a public sector organization to innovate but quite another for that innovation to have an unequivocally positive impact. If we consider innovation as an ecosystem, there are inputs, actors, and processes, and there should also be outputs and outcomes. Innovation for the sake of innovation will not work, so we need to consider and analyze particular effects, such as benefits, outputs, and outcomes, both in the short and long term. We can also connect the outputs and outcomes of innovations and features such as the context, sources, conditions, and barriers to innovation. For example, an innovation may have different outputs and outcomes in different contexts, and one source of innovation (e.g., bottom-up innovations) may bring about more positive benefits to organizations under certain conditions (e.g., more resources). This chapter defines outputs and outcomes and discusses how they can be associated with innovation. Then, it explores and discusses how outputs and outcomes can be linked with sectoral differences, different levels of analysis, and negative outcomes of innovation.

This penultimate chapter is based on nearly three years of fieldwork at various Hezbollah cultural institutions in Tehran (2012–2014). Here, I examine acts of citizenship among another group touched by the legacies of the Iran–Iraq war. However, these women ascribe to a notion of democratic politics which deviates from the Western sensibilities of popular sovereignty. Contrary to acts of citizenship performed by female relatives of war martyrs, post-2009 Hezbollah–affiliated cultural activists view rights to be only one pillar of the state’s structure, and not necessarily the most important element of statecraft to be protected. They engage with the tensions which exist between the state’s Islamic and Republic elements, and the entanglement of religion and politics, but without necessarily intending to resolve or undo them in the interest of the people. In this chapter, I move into the ambit of citizenship and politics among pro-state Hezbollah affiliates in post-2009 Iran to make this counterintuitive argument: the legislation of religion is not necessarily a fruitless effort for the state even when it fails to uniformly produce its ideal religious citizen. Indeed, hybrid regimes’ contradictions and ambiguities work in different ways to produce particular types of citizens.