The rock carving site of Bro Utmark in Bohuslän is one of the largest in Sweden. Its hundreds of carved images reflect a variety of Bronze Age concerns, and the boats, warriors and animals depicted demonstrate the work of master carvers in the period 1600-300 BC, but concentrated in the later Bronze Age (1100–600 BC). The site is central to a concentration of about 200 carved sites, burial mounds, and other monuments. During the Bronze Age, Bro Utmark lay near the shoreline of a sea which was 15 m higher in relation to the land. The evolving cultural landscape of the Bronze Age suggests incremental settlement in the emergent land, with shorelines and wetlands providing focal points for activity.

The art in question is found on the structural slabs of a group of megalithic tombs in the valley of the Boyne in Ireland. The tombs are all passage-graves and are characteristically situated on the highest local ground and grouped in a ‘cemetery’. The Boyne cemetery is about 15 km from the east coast and about 50 km by road north of Dublin. In an area approximately 4 × 4 km are situated the three large tumuli of Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth, as well as over 40 other monuments, more than half of which are passage-graves (fig. 1).

The three large mounds are only a few kilometres apart; in fact, from any one of them the other two can be seen since all are in commanding situations. They are similar as regards size and appearance, that is to say, each consists of a mound of stones, or stones, earth, etc., circular in plan and flat-topped, about 85 m in diameter at the base and 12 to 15 m in height. The base of each is surrounded by a continuous kerb of large slabs, 97 at Newgrange, an estimated 110 at Dowth, and an estimated 120 at Knowth. Newgrange is the central tumulus, Dowth is to the north-east, and Knowth to the north-west.

The paper describes a small late Upper Palaeolithic open-air site situated on a prominent ridge top interfluve in the English Midlands. A discrete cluster of worked flint of late Palaeolithic blade technology was discovered within an excavated area of 100 m2. The lithic scatter represents the hearth-side activities of a short-term occupancy by a small hunting group with evidence for provisioning of flint, production of blades/bladelets, and toolkit maintenance. Spatial analysis provides some dynamics to these activities. The assemblage has strong affinities with the Late Glacial–early Post-glacial Long Blade industries of southern England and northern France but displays many attributes that are atypical of the classic sites. The Launde assemblage appears to be a missing fades of the Long Blade tradition. The blade technology and the typology of the projectile points are also closely paralleled further afield in Belgium, the Netherlands and western Germany, what might be termed a late Western Ahrensburgian, probably dating to the early Pre-Boreal at the beginning of the 10th millennium BP.

It is twenty years since Dr Alex. Curle published his conclusions on the problem of the brochs and it does not diminish our regard for the great services which he has given to the study of the Scottish Iron Age that his article did not end the discussion. About the same time Dr Watson and Professor Brögger expressed their views, and the Scottish Royal Commission on Ancient Monuments summarised the results of their survey, a summary which they have brought up to date in their recently published volumes. In the intervening years Professor Gordon Childe has made important contributions, and one valuable broch excavation has been reported. And yet it cannot be said that the central difficulty has been resolved.

New radiocarbon dates for the Neolithic settlement at Pool on Sanday, Orkney, are interpreted in a formal chronological framework. Phases 2.2 and 2.3, during which flat-based Grooved Ware pottery with incised decoration developed, have been modelled as probably dating to between the 31st and 28th centuries cal bc. There followed a hiatus of a century or so, before the resumption of occupation in Phase 3, which has a different Grooved Ware style featuring the use of applied decoration. This has been modelled as probably dating from the 26th to the 24th centuries cal bc. The implications of these results are discussed for the emergence and development of Grooved Ware, and for the trajectory of settlement and monumentality on Sanday.

The excavation examined two barrows which formed part of a cemetery in use towards the middle of the second millennium BC. The smaller barrow (Site 17) contained a large pit-grave in which successive inhumation burials had been made associated with a long-necked beaker, bronze earrings and a flint knife. The larger barrow (Site 16) began as a small mound covering an inhumation burial with a Food Vessel. Four stake circles were added following a second inhumation burial and the original mound was enlarged on two subsequent occasions. Many features of the barrows find their closest parallels in Yorkshire.

This paper presents the results of several years' research on late Iron Age enclosed settlements in west Wales. Geophysical survey was conducted on 21 sites and three of these, Troedyrhiw, Ffynnonwen, and Berry Hill, were part-excavated. Most sites examined were heavily plough-damaged, but results of the surveys and excavations demonstrated that substantial archaeological remains survive. Approximately 60 enclosed settlements lay in the core study area of southern Ceredigion (Cardiganshire), half of which were oval in shape and half rectangular. Both types contain suites of buildings seen in much of the British Iron Age – round-houses and 4-/6-post structures. Evidence from the excavations supports data from elsewhere in the region indicating that small oval enclosures appear in the landscape in the 2nd–1st centuries bc, with rectangular enclosures constructed right at the end of the Iron Age. Dating is based almost entirely on radiocarbon determinations as, in common with other similar-aged sites in west Wales, artefacts are almost completely absent. It was not possible during excavation at Troedyrhiw to conclusively demonstrate late prehistoric use of the rectangular enclosed settlement, but a Roman pottery assemblage in the upper fills of the enclosure ditch coupled with a two phase entrance is interpreted as indicating Late Iron Age construction. More complex remains were revealed during excavations at Ffynnonwen, a circular enclosed settlement within a larger oval enclosure. Here, three round-houses, a 4- and 6-post structure and other remains were investigated and radiocarbon dated to the 8th–6th centuries bc through to the early Romano-British period. Berry Hill, an inland promontory fort, appeared to be unfinished and abandoned. Radiocarbon determinations indicated a Late Bronze Age construction (10th–8th centuries bc). The paper concludes with a consideration of a number of interpretive issues regarding settlement, enclosure, identity, and ways of living.

Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements in Britain and Ireland have, on occasion, been referred to as being prehistoric villages but there is little agreement as to what a settlement from these periods should consist of for it to be confidently identified as such. A particular problem is that the development of villages in Britain and Ireland is commonly seen as being a medieval phenomenon and most discussions regarding the essential characteristics of villages are centred on medieval evidence. This paper examines which features of a prehistoric settlement can be used to determine if the use of the term ‘village’ is appropriate, ultimately finding the number of contemporary households to be the primary concern. Sites which have been identified specifically as being Neolithic or Bronze Age villages are critically reviewed, as are a selection of sites where the designation may be appropriate but where the term has so far been avoided. The number of sites from both periods that could justify being identified as being villages is found to be low, and in all cases it seems that moves toward larger nucleated settlements are geographically and chronologically restricted and are followed by a return to dispersed settlement patterns. This curious pattern of the rapid creation and decline of villages at a regional level is contrasted with different explanations for the development of nucleated settlements from other areas and during other time periods, which revolve around economic and agricultural intensification, the development of more hierarchical societies and the increase in structured trading networks. They do not fit well with either our current perceptions of Neolithic and Bronze Age societies, or with the strictly localised moves towards nucleation that were observed. New explanations with a more local focus are found to be required

Nearly seventy years ago Wilhelm Worringer first wrote that ‘ultimately all our definitions of art are definitions of classical art’ (Worringer, 1953, 132). Today, the study of Western European art history, old or modern, the products of peasant craft-centres or urban ‘schools’, has in the course of time developed its own methodology and, almost, mystique. In contrast, the study of many branches of prehistoric art in Europe and elsewhere is all too often seen as a mere extension of the skilled but subjective approaches of classical archaeology without considering the suitability of the latter's application. The use of the classical art-historian's intuitive methods built up not just from visual exprience but a detailed background of literary, historical and philosophical studies must in fact be almost entirely denied the student of prehistoric or primitive art. It is perhaps only natural that principles of classical art history should be applied to later European prehistory, though it is often difficult to arrive at a precise definition of these principles. It was Johann Joachim Winckelmann who made the first systematic application of categories of style to the history of art (Gombrich, 1968, 319). Sir John Beazley, the greatest of all modern classical art historians followed in this tradition basing attributions ‘on the grounds of tell-tale traits of individual mannerisms’ (Carpenter, 1963, 115 ff.) a scheme first applied to painting less than a century ago by the Italian physician Giovanni Morelli (Gombrich, 1968, 309 ff.) and followed at the turn of the nineteenth century in the study of Italian painting (Lermolieff, 1892–3). With Beazley it is, however, difficult to follow step by step his methods of work.

One aspect of prehistoric crop agriculture which has received little attention is the purity of the crops when ready for either storage or consumption. For two reasons, this topic deserves consideration. First, the number of weed seeds and other impurities in a fully-processed crop is an indication of the efficiency of the prevailing technology for grain cleaning. There are several reasons why it would have been desirable to remove as many weeds as possible from a crop. Many for example are poisonous and should be removed from a crop before it is eaten. The sowing of a pure seed is also one way of controlling the growth of weeds, and thus maintaining economic crop yields. One pound of herbage seed for example, containing 1 per cent by weight of the seeds of mouse-eared chick-weed (Cerastium arvense L.) could result in as many as 43,360 plants of chick-weed per acre and cause severe reduction in the yield of the main crop (Gill and Vear 1958). Barley yields in one experiment were reduced from 21½ to 7½ bushels per acre through the growth of bind-weed (Leonard and Martin 1967). Since the artefactual evidence for prehistoric grain cleaning is meagre, the composition of the crops themselves must be our chief source of evidence. A second reason why the composition of prehistoric crops when ready for storage or consumption deserves study is that it affords a way of knowing whether crops consisted of one or several cultigens at a given period.

The ancestry of the long mound has long been a key focus in debates on the origins of monumental and megalithic architectures in western France. Typological schemes and absolute dates have alike been invoked in support of different models of monument development, but with limited success. Recent excavations at Prissé-la-Charrière, a 100-metre long mound in the Poitou-Charentes region, have emphasised the importance of internal structure and the complex process of modification and accretion by which many long mounds achieved their final form and dimensions. Excavations have revealed an early megalithic chamber in a dry-stone rotunda, that was progressively incorporated in a short long mound, then in the 100 m long mound we see today, which contains at least two further chamber tombs. The wide range of monument forms present in western and northern France during the 5th millennium BC suggests that the issue of monument origins must be viewed in a broad inter-regional perspective, within which a number of individual elements could be combined in a variety of different ways. Consideration of seven specific elements, including the shape of the mound, the position and accessibility of the chamber, and the significance of above-ground tomb chambers as opposed to graves or pits leads us to propose a polygenic model for the origins of the long mounds and related monuments of western France.

The Nympsfield long barrow is situated in the parish of Frocester, but is less than a mile to the north-west of Nympsfield village. The boundaries of the Parish, the Rural District and the Union, run from north to south down the centre of the field, called ‘Buckholt End,’ in which it lies. The position of the barrow is latitude 51° 42′ 35″ and longitude 2° 17′ 54″ (six-inch O.S., Gloucs. XLIX S.W.) and its height 750 feet above sea level. Ninety yards to the east of the barrow there is a road, marked by Grundy as a ‘ridgeway,’ which now runs from Selsley Hill to Uley (fig. 1). The underlying rock is the Inferior Oolite, a formation separable into numerous sub-divisions, here including, in descending order, Clypeus Grit, Upper Trigonia Grit and Upper Freestone. The greater part of the barrow, if not the whole of it rests on Clypeus Grit.

Radiocarbon dating and Bayesian chronological modelling have provided precise new dating for the henge monument of Mount Pleasant in Dorset, excavated in 1970–1. A total of 59 radiocarbon dates are now available for the site and modelling of these has provided a revised sequence for the henge enclosure and its various constituent parts: the timber palisaded enclosure, the Conquer Barrow, and the ditch surrounding Site IV, a concentric timber and stone monument. This suggests that the henge was probably built in the 26th century cal bc, shortly followed by the timber palisade and Site IV ditch. These major construction events took place in the late Neolithic over a relatively short timespan, probably lasting 35–125 years. The principal results are discussed for each element of the site, including comparison with similar monument types elsewhere in Britain and Ireland, and wider implications for late Neolithic connections and later activity at the site associated with Beaker pottery are explored.

Campaigns of large-scale fieldwalking and in-depth evaluation on later Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age lithic scatters are reported. In a regional context they are remarkable in their scale, density, and resolution, and raise questions concerning the character of early settlement and its corollary in landscape mobility – variously an archaeology of ‘meeting/return’, ‘task’, and ‘trace’.

The investigations described in the present report owe a main part of their interest to the fact that they help to fill a gap in the prehistory of Wessex, a region which though ranking as the richest in Britain for traces of the later prehistoric cultures based on farming, has hitherto been markedly deficient in evidence for mesolithic settlement. Their other claim to interest is the addition they have made to our very scanty evidence for artificial shelters associated with mesolithic communities in Britain.

Recesses in the entrance passages of British hillforts have been found throughout the 20th century, mainly on sites in north Wales and the Welsh Marches, though some occur elsewhere. From their first discovery they have been assumed to be ‘guard rooms’ or ‘guard chambers’ and no discussion about their function has taken place. This paper is, an attempt to start such a discussion. The idea that these recesses were necessarily of defensive use is challenged and an alternative ritual or symbolic ‘explanation’ is suggested.

For over 120 years, the shell middens of western Scotland and the series of open-air sites on Oronsay have been the focus of debate in European Mesolithic studies. This paper challenges the significance of Oronsay in light of results from the geophysical survey and test-excavation of a new limpet and periwinkle shell midden dated to the late 5th or start of the 4th millennium cal bc at Port Lobh, Colonsay that offers fresh evidence to re-evaluate critically the role of Oronsay and coastal resources in island settlement models ahead of the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition. Test excavations recovered a marine molluscan assemblage dominated by limpet and periwinkle shells together with crab, sea urchin, a fishbone assemblage composed mainly of Gadidae, some identifiable bird and mammal bone, carbonised macroplant remains, and pumice as well as a bipolar lithic assemblage and coarse stone implements. Novel seasonality studies of saithe otolith thin-sections suggest wintertime tidal fishing practices. At least two activity events may be discerned, dating from the late 5th millennium cal bc. The midden could represent a small number of rapidly deposited assemblages or maybe the result of stocastic events within a more extended timeframe. We argue that alternative research questions are needed to advance long-standing debates about seasonal inter-island mobility versus island sedentism that look beyond Oronsay to better understand later Mesolithic occupation patterns and the formation and date of Oronsay middens. We propose alternative methodological strategies to aid identification of contemporaneous sites using geophysical techniques and lithic technological signatures.

It has been possible recently to correlate some well known Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age finds from the Ancholme Valley, north Lincolnshire, with the stratigraphy of the valley and with the pollen statistical zone scheme. A digest of the material of archaeological interest is presented here together with an account of the investigation of the site of the dugout canoe at Short Ferry, Fiskerton, near Lincoln.

Previously unrecorded finds from the Le Câtillon hoard are documented. It is now clear that the hoard was not found in three lots but in a single closed group. The brooches in the hoard suggests a date of c. 40–20 BC rather than during the Caesarian campaigns. The suggestions that the silver brooches in the hoard and others like them are Italian and that most Gallo-Belgic coinage arrived in Britain during the Gallic Wars are reviewed critically.